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finally adopted. The third, known in history as the Articles of Confederation, although prepared in 1776, was not adopted until 1778. But these articles proved forceless and no more binding than a rope of sand. Congress could not enforce a single act it might pass and it was soon learned that a more perfect union was necessary.

The Articles of Confederation passed in 1778 did not meet with instant recognition from all the States; in many cases it was assented to with protest. On the 20th of November, 1778, as already stated, the Legislature of New Jersey directed that they should be subscribed and ratified by its delegates in Congress. Those delegates were John Witherspoon, Abraham Clark, Nathaniel Scudder and Elias Boudinot.

This was in 1778; in 1787, nine years after, the Federal Constitution superseded these Articles of Confederation and New Jersey was called upon to ratify a document which cemented the Union of the States with a deathless grasp.

There was never a period in American history so full of peril to the new born Republic as was that which immediately followed the declaration of peace between it and the Mother Country.

The crisis which occurred in the history of the United States of America, from the year 1783 until 1788, tried much more than the souls of men. There was not a single faculty of the whole being of patriots at that time that was not taxed to the utmost to sustain the Country and the people, in all their interests, during those eventful years.

During the war of the Revolution the Colonies never responded cheerfully to the demands of Congress, either in supplying men or the necessary material for war. There was sturdy patriotism, but it gave grudgingly. If Washington had been supported by Congress and the Colonies, as he ought have been, and as he could have been, he would have driven the English into the Atlantic within twelve months. The war languished, not because Washington and his officers were not true and loyal, but because Congress was crippled and dared not rise to the demands of the hour; and because the Colonial governments refused to listen to the requirements of their own safety.

The Continental Congress assembled in 1775, was composed of men who were mere representatives from insurgent States, and although it continued to exist as long as the war lasted, and provided ways and means, in a measure, for the necessities of the army, borrowed money on the credit of the national government, made treaties with foreign powers and performed other acts of sovereignty, yet, really, it usurped

the authority to perform these acts. It certainly had no power except such as it exercised by the common consent of the Colonies, and that common consent was wrung from the people by the exigencies of the hour and the dangers which were involved in those exigencies. This Congress continued in existence for fourteen years, with no change either in the authority which it assumed and which it only derived from the consent of the people, or from such rights as it might receive through the action of State Legislatures or their representatives, except in the occasional change of members, until the Articles of Confederation were formed.

There are some few particulars connected with these Articles of Confederation which should be noticed. Congress might borrow money, issue bills of credit and make bonds, but there were no means of pay. ing the indebtedness thus created. The different States could impose such tariff duties upon importations as they chose, restricted only by such treaties as Congress had already made or might make with France or Spain. Requisitions might be made by Congress upon the different States for money sufficient to pay the debts created and the interest on those debts, but these requisitions could not be enforced. No measure could be carried through Congress without a vote of twothirds of the States, so that, to pass any law, or even a resolution, nine. States out of the thirteen must vote for it.

The subsequent history of the country showed how utterly powerless Congress was under these Articles of Confederation to discharge the most sacred and binding obligations.

When the war closed, the country was in debt over $40,000,000 to three classes of persons. First, the officers and soldiers of the Army to whom Congress was indebted for pay which had been withheld; second, to the King of France and creditors abroad, who had advanced money from time to time, during the war, for the requirements of the government; and, third, to individual citizens who had also advanced money for the use of the Army. Among this latter class were those who were the holders of Continental money.

If there ever were creditors whose claims upon a government were sacred, and which should have been met without a murmur, certainly these three classes were such creditors. Not only that, but the claims of the officers and men of the Army for remuneration for their services during the war, were of such a character as imperatively to demand, not a mere recognition at the hands of the government they had created,

but a generous and grateful response to any proper demand. These men imperilled their lives, deprived themselves of their property and left their families to suffer distress and privations, while they were fighting the battles of freedom. Many of them had been wounded; most of them would return to impoverished homes, where poverty had stared their wives and children in the face for years, with shattered health and ill able to bear any further burdens. The Army claimed that not only should payment be made for what was, then due, but that they should receive further compensation, by way of pension for past services. Washington and his Generals recognized the justice of this demand and urged Congress to comply with it. That body proposed several compromises, such as half pay for life, or for a few years, full pay for a certain number of years, sometimes five and then again seven. This proposition for the payment of pensions was not received with favor by the people. On the contrary, it raised a mighty clamor all over the country and many of the State Legislatures, voicing the sentiments of their constituents, pronounced against the measure. Congress had recognized the claim before the Articles of Confederation were adopted and had agreed to make certain payments, but after the Articles were ratified, the Congress meeting under the new order of things refused to carry out the compromise, and to fulfill the plain unmistakable duty of the government towards its faithful soldiers, and there was not the requisite number of representatives who had the moral courage to face the clamor of the hour and act in accordance with their own convictions of right. Congress quibbled, claimed that it was not bound by the action of the previous Congress, prevaricated and offered other compromises, and finally one was agreed upon, miserable in its terms, contemptible in its conditions, which was not effectuated until the second term of Washington's Presidency.

The King of France, with a generosity unparalleled in the history of the world, had loaned the country, from time to time, millions of dollars and interest long due to him was unpaid and remained unpaid. A requisition was made by Congress upon the several States for money to pay the interest which had accumulated upon this public debt; it amounted to about $6,000,000. In response to this demand, about twenty per centum of it was placed in the public treasury. Some of the States paid nothing; not one responded with the full amount of its quota. Holders of Continental money were never paid in full; many lost all they had.

Robert Morris, one of the grandest men of his time,

who had for years thrown himself, heart, soul and fortune into the country's struggle, who made a magnificent financier in its service and had sacrificed the whole of a colossal fortune for the government, was suffered to languish in a debtor's prison.

Now began a series of petty strifes between the several States, as disgraceful as they were absurd. New York was dependent for wood, grain and feed upon Connecticut; for butter, eggs and other farm products upon New Jersey, and laid heavy imposts upon these productions. The Yankees refused to send their produce to New York and the farmers of New Jersey followed their example. New York had bought a tract of land upon Sandy Hook, entirely worthless except for the purpose for which it was purchased. A light house had been located there to guide vessels sailing into New York Bay. The Legislature of New Jersey imposed an enormously heavy tax on this tract of land and enforced its payment.

There was great destitution all over the country; there was no money. Continental currency had become valueless and merchants refused to accept it in payment for their commodities. Most of the States attempted to remedy this evil, but the remedy was worse than the disease. Large amounts of paper money were issued-promises to pay by the States issuing them-which never had any value. Vain attempts were made to force this currency upon the people by the absurdest legislation, which could not by any possibility be enforced. Rebellion broke out in several of the States. The idle, dissipated, shiftless and worthless gathered together, and with lawless hands endeavored to make a law unto themselves and to enforce that law upon the people. Armed bands traversed the country; bloodshed and riot, rapine and murder, held high carnival.

But the saddest, and at the same time, most atrocious event of these terrible times was the treatment received by settlers from Connecticut, in the Wyoming valley. They were peaceable, quiet, law-abiding men, who had settled there with their families upon land claimed by the State of Connecticut. Unoffending citizens were driven from their homes, their houses and barns were burned before their eyes, their wives and children were treated with cruelty and indignity-chased into the forests and left to die with hunger, or to be devoured by wolves. Young maidens, innocent children and old men were alike made victims of an unreasoning and barbarous rage. The settlers themselves though submitting to wrong without an attempt to defend

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themselves, until compelled for their lives to take up arms, captured at last, through the fraud and falsehood of the leader of the marauders, a recognized officer under State authority, were manacled and consigned to prison as if they were criminals. Once-twice, was this done, until the Legislature of Pennsylvania, at first participating in the outrage, was finally compelled by public opinion to disavow its own action and an attempt was made to compensate the defrauded settlers. But, it was too late. No remuneration could possibly even mitigate the results of the unexampled atrocities. For a time it seemed as if war between the two States was inevitable. The enormities committed by these Christian Pennsylvanians were cruel, barbarous, savage-only equalled by those of North American Indians. The perpetrators were at first protected by their Legislature and were never punished for the offence.

Amid all these perplexities confronting Congress at this juncture, it was powerless and was obliged from day to day to sit by and submit, with no authority to control, no power to prevent and with no means of vindicating the outraged majesty of the law. Thoughtful men all over the country viewed this state of affairs with the deepest regret and the profoundest alarm; they shuddered as they listened, from time to time, to the recital of the terrible events transpiring around them. The enemies of American freedom abroad, openly rejoiced at the confidently expected downfall of the new Republic. Even those who were friendly, publicly expressed their fears, and many lost all hope for the continuance of a republican government in the Western Hemisphere. The utterance of one far-reaching mind, not at all unfriendly to the experiment of popular government, is so remarkable and so decided that it is quoted: "As to the future grandeur of America and its being a rising empire under one head, whether republican or monarchical, it is one of the idlest and most visionary notions that ever was conceived, even by writers of romance. The mutual antipathies and clashing interests of the Americans, their differences of government, habits and manners, indicate that they will have no centre of union and no common interest. They never can be united in one compact empire under any species of government whatever; a disunited people till the end of time, suspicious and distrustful of each other, they will be divided and subdivided into little commonwealths or prin cipalities, according to natural boundaries, by great bays of the sea and by vast rivers, lakes and ridges of mountains." George the Third,

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