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recated the measures adopted by those who seemed on the point of rebellion and warned the delegates against the practice of intrusting the performance of their duties to others. He very plainly referred to the appointment of the Continental Congress and of the Committee of Correspondence and prophesied that their own destruction would inevitably follow if they persisted in such measures. The assembly made a very

spirited reply in which they declared that they were unwilling to do anything which would add to the alarming situation, unless it were necessary to secure their liberties, but, at the same time, notified him that they would intermit no exertion to preserve their rights. The same Legislature prepared and forwarded to the King a formal statement of their grievances, thirteen in number, and respectfully asked that the colonies might be relieved from the burdens they were bearing. The Committee of Correspondence was directed to transmit this petition to England, at the very first opportunity. It was treated with studied contempt by the King and ministry. The day after the Governor's speech, the Legislature appointed from their own number a committee of grievance, of nine members.

The Provincial Committee of Correspondence, or, as it was called by its members, the New Jersey Committee of Correspondence, met on the 2d day of May, 1775, and after referring to the startling events of the preceding month, "advised and directed" that their Chairman, Hendrick Fisher, should immediately call a Provincial Congress, to meet at Trenton, on Tuesday, the 23d day of May then instant, to consider of and determine such matters as might then and there come before them, and the several counties were directed to elect their delegates for this Congress."

Before the Congress thus called, convened, the Legislature again met, on the 15th day of May, 1775, with a full representation from every county and from the cities of Amboy and Burlington. The Governor had summoned them to receive and consider a resolution passed by the House of Commons for the alleged purpose of conciliating the discontented colonists. This resolution had been passed under these circumstances: Parliament met on the 29th of November, 1774; the king, in his speech from the throne, declared that Massachusetts was making obstinate resistance to law, that the other colonies were countenancing this action, and that the commerce of England was endan gered. He stated that he relied upon his faithful subjects in England to aid him in restoring the authority of the English crown in America,

Lord North, then prime minister, announced that he would present some conciliatory measures after the usual Christmas holidays. On the 20th of January, 1775, Lord Dartmouth, the Secretary of the colonies, presented the papers from the American provinces. Lord Chatham at once moved an address to King George, asking him to remove the troops from Boston and supplemented his motion with an address in which he prophesied that if the door of conciliation were not opened immediately, it would be too late; that whoever had advised the king to his present measures ought answer for it at his peril, and that, if his Majesty continued to listen to such counsels, he would be undone; "he may continue to wear his crown, but the American jewel out of it, it would not be worth the wearing." He commended the Americans in their opposition to taxation without representation. "They say truly,' said the intrepid statesman, "representation and taxation must go together, they are inseparable;" the Americans do not speak the language of slaves, they speak out; "they do not ask a repeal of our laws as a favor, they claim it as a right; they demand it; they say they will not submit to them; and, I tell you the acts must be repealed; you cannot enforce them." It was all useless; Chatham was seconded by the wisest and ablest men in parliament; his eloquence and the entreaties of his supporters availed not; his motion was rejected by a decided majority.

In the Commons, the American question was presented very early in the session. The manufacturing towns in England were deeply interested in the subject; the American colonies refused to buy their goods and a very large trade ceased, to the great loss of the traders in England. Petitions were sent up from manufacturers and merchants asking Parliament to relieve the commerce of the country from the paralyzing effect of the stringent measures used against the colonies. A motion to refer these petitions to a select committee finally passed, through the efforts of the ministry, which committee was to report the day after that fixed for the consideration of American affairs. Burke, ever the consistent friend of the colonies, referred to this Committee as the "Committee of Oblivion." The way was then cleared for the minister to present his measures of conciliation. He first, however, moved an address to the King, which had not a single feature of conciliation in it. It began by charging that Massachusetts was in a state of rebellion; that that colony had been supported in its antagonism to the crown by unlawful engagements and combinations of the other colonies and that

his Majesty's subjects in Great Britain had sustained great loss thereby. The address ended with the assurance to the king that Parliament never would relinquish the authority of the King over the colonies and requested him to use all measures to force them to return to obedience, and promised him that "Parliament would support him at the hazard of their lives and property." The address was adopted by both Houses, notwithstanding most strenuous efforts against it. Not content with this, North moved the passage of an act prohibiting certain of the colonies, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Connecticut and Rhode Island, from trading with England, Ireland and the West Indies, and from fishing on the banks of Newfoundland. This prohibition was afterwards extended to all the colonies except New York, North Carolina and Georgia. Why these exceptions were made, is not exactly clear, but there may have been two reasons for it, one arising from the following facts: The merchants of New York had, at first, refused to accede to the non-importation act proposed by Massachusetts; North Carolina had been tardy in sending deputies to the Continental Congress and Georgia was not represented there at all. The other was the hope that the distinction might work disunion in the colonies. If this last reason was one of the impelling causes for the passage of the measure, it utterly failed, as these colonies not only did not avail themselves of the privileges granted, but were indignant that they should have been excepted, as they were determined to cast in their lot with the rest of their fellow colonists and abide the result with them. It can hardly be imagined that, after this insulting legislation, any sane man could have believed that any subsequent acts could be made acceptable to the colonies. North was too well acquainted with the spirit and temperament of the Americans, and a man of too much discernment to believe that the colonists would consent to his proposed conciliatory measure after the passage of these obnoxious statutes. His motive in offering his plans was sinister; he hoped by it to place the Americans in a false light, to offer them a measure which ought to satisfy them and which as obedient subjects of King George, they were bound to accept, but which he knew they could not and would not receive. This opinion is justified by the fact that he represented that the plan would probably be rejected by most of the colonies, would tend to disunite them and that the merchants and manufacturers would be satisfied with the government, if it offered such terms to the AmeriThis was the plan of conciliation, which was presented to the

cans.

Commons on the 20th of February, 1775, and passed the same day: "That when any colony should promise to make provision, according to its conditions and circumstances, for contributing its proportion for the common defence, to be raised under the authority of the general court, or assembly of such colony, and disposable by Parliament, and shall engage to make provision also for the support of civil government and the administration of justice in such province or colony, if such proposal shall be approved by his Majesty in Parliament and for so long as such provision shall be made accordingly, to forbear in respect to such colony to lay any duty, tax or assessment except only such duties as it may be expedient to lay or impose, for the regulation of commerce, the nett proceedings of the duties last mentioned to be carried to the account of each colony respectively." Just exactly what was meant by the proposition was not clear; friend and foe alike, inquired what the minister intended by the proposed act. The minister would, of course, give no explanation to his foes, for they would certainly oppose it. To friends, some of whom were, at first, inclined to antagonize the measure, it was stated that it was intended to submit the Americans to a test; if they were really opposed to the principle that there should be no taxation without representation, they would accept, but, if they were simply using that plea as an excuse to secure inde pendence, they would reject the plan. Few were favorably disposed to the measure, at first, but after the explanations were made by North, the friends of the ministry accepted it and the bill was passed by a very large majority. It differed very little from a proposition which had been made a year or two before and which had been rejected by the colonies.

This was the plan of conciliation which Franklin pressed upon the Assembly with so much force and eagerness, at this May meeting in the momentous year of grace, 1775. He used every possible argument to induce the Legislature to accept it. It is somewhat remarkable, however, that an examination of his speech shows that he carefully avoided any direct statement concerning the statute itself; his references to it were in generalities, without an explanation of its conditions or terms; he did make some suggestion of what it did not ask or claim.

There were too many clear headed, keen sighted members of the Legislature who pierced the flimsy disguises of this plan of conciliation. In his speech, the Governor suggested that time should be taken

before an answer was made, so that full consideration might be given to the subject. The speech was delivered on the 16th of May, 1775. On the 18th of the same month the answer prepared by the Committee to whom it had been referred, was read to the House, amended and approved and notice given to Franklin that the Assembly was ready to attend him. The answer regrets that the proposal was not postponed until the meeting of the General Congress, which was acting for all the colonies; that New Jersey could not desert the common cause, but, would abide by the decision of that Congress. Notwithstanding this, the Assembly was ready to answer for itself, but would "pay all proper respect to and abide by, the united voice of the (Continental) Congress on the present occasion." The answer was direct, positive and spoke in no uncertain tones. It repudiated, with becoming dignity, the charge that the "Americans have deeper views and mean to throw off dependence on Great Britain and to get rid of every control of their Legislatures."

There could have been no possible misunderstanding of the decision. at which the delegates had arrived and Franklin did not fail to realize This was manifest from his answer.

it.

This much must be said for the Governor: His manner in the whole. transaction was dignified, moderate and commendable; he was honest in his utteranees, when he urged upon the Assembly the acceptance of the measure, but whether he really believed that the plan would be adopted by the colonists, is very doubtful. He must have been aware of the fact that an almost similar proposition had been rejected, and he could have had little hope that in the state of feeling which pervaded the colony at that juncture of affairs, the plan of conciliation would be acceptable.

The Provincial Congress which had been called by the Committee of Correspondence, convened at New Brunswick, on the 23d of May, 1775. Between the time of the passage of the plan of conciliation and the meeting of this Congress, stirring events had transpired in New England. The sword had been drawn at Lexington; the patriotic militia and the British soldiers had met at Concord and war's dread realities had actually begun. The news of these two initiatory steps in the history of the war of Independence had sped through the colonies it was felt and understood that the crash had come at last;

An express rider with a dispatch started from Watertown, Mass., at 10 A. M. on the day Lexington was fought; relays carried it on from place to place until it reached New York, April 23,

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