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and the Deputy of the Onontague Iroquois, it is easy to infer that these people are inclined to follow the object of their enterprize, which is to destroy all the Nations in alliance with us, the one after the other, whilst they keep us in uncertainty and with folded arms; so that, after having deprived us of the entire fur trade which they wish alone to carry on with the English and Dutch established at Manate and Orange, they may attack us isolated, and ruin the Colony in obliging it to contract itself and abandon all the separate settlements, and thus arrest the cultivation of the soil which cannot bear grain nor be cultivated as meadow except in quarters where it is of good quality. As he is not informed in the short time since his arrival from France, of the state of these tribes and of the Colony, he requests them to acquaint him with all they know of these things in order that he may inform his Majesty thereof, and represent to him the necessities of this Colony, for the purpose as well of averting this war as for terminating and finishing it advantageously should it be necessary to wage it; Whereupon the Meeting after being informed by the Revd Jesuit fathers of what had passed during five years among the Iroquois Nations, whence they had recently arrived, and by M. Dollier of what occurred for some years at Montreal, remained unanimously and all of one accord, that the English have omitted nothing for four years to induce the Iroquois, either by the great number of presents which they made them or by the cheapness with which they gave them provisions and especially guns, powder and lead, to declare war against us, and which the Iroquois have been two or three times ready to undertake; But having reflected that, should they attack us before they had ruined in fact the allied nations, their neighbours, these would rally and, uniting together, would fall on them and destroy their villages whilst occupied against us, they judged it wiser to defer and amuse us whilst they were attacking those Nations, and having commenced, with that view, to attack the Illinois last year, they had so great an advantage over them that besides three or four hundred killed, they took nine hundred of them prisoners, so that marching this year with a corps of twelve hundred men, well armed and good warriors, there was no doubt but they would exterminate them altogether, and attack, on their return, the Miamis and the Kiskakous and by their defeat render themselves masters of Missilimackina and the lakes Hérié and Huron, and Bay des Puans and thereby deprive us of all the trade drawn from that country by destroying, at the same time, all the Christian Missions established among those nations; and therefore it became necessary to make a last effort to prevent them ruining those Nations as they had formerly the Algonquins, the Andastez, the Loups (Mohegans), the Abenaquis and others, the remains of whom we have at the settlements of Sillery, Laurette, Lake Champlain and others scattered among us. That to accomplish that object, the state of the Colony was to be considered, and the means to be most usefully adopted against the enemy; that as to the Colony we could bring together a thousand good men, bearing arms and accustomed to manage canoes like the Iroquois, but when drawn from their settlements, it must be considered that the cultivation of the soil would be arrested during the whole period of their absence, and that it is necessary, before making them march, to have supplies of provisions necessary in places distant from the settlements, so as to support them in the enemy's country a time sufficiently long to effectually destroy that nation, and to act no more by them as had been done seventeen years ago, making them partially afraid without weakening them. That we have advantages now which we had not then; the French accustomed to the woods, acquainted with all the roads through them, and the road to Fort Frontenac open to fall in forty hours on the Senecas, the strongest of the five Iroquois Nations, since they alone can furnish fifteen hundred warriors, well armed; that there must be provisions at Fort Frontenac, three or four vessels to load them and embark five hundred men on Lake Ontario, whilst five hundred others would go in Canoes and post themselves on the Seneca shore; but this expedition cannot succeed unless by His Majesty's aid with a small body of two or three hundred soldiers to serve as a garrison for Forts Frontenac and La Galette, to escort provisions and keep the head of the country guarded and furnished whilst the interior would be deprived of its good soldiers; a hundred or a hundred and fifty hired men, to be distributed among the settlements

to help those who will remain at home to cultivate the ground, in order that famiue may not get into the land; and funds necessary to collect supplies and build two or three barks, without which and that of Sieur de Lesalle, it is impossible to undertake any thing of utility: That it is a war which is not to be commenced to be left imperfect, because knowing each other better than seventeen years ago, if it were to be undertaken without finishing it the conservation of the Colony is not to be expected, the Iroquois not being apt to return. That the failure of all aid from France had begun to create contempt for us among the said Iroquois, who believed that we were abandoned by the great Onontio, our Master, and if they saw us assisted by him, they would, probably, change their minds and let our allies be in peace and consent not to hunt on their grounds, or bring all their peltries to the French, which they trade at present with the English at Orange; and thus by a small aid from his Majesty we could prevent war and subject these fierce and hot spirits, which would be the greatest advantage that could be procured for the Country. That notwithstanding, it was important to arm the militia and in this year of abundant harvest to oblige them to furnish guns which they could all advantageously use when occasion required.

Done in the house of the Revd Jesuit Fathers at Quebec, the day and year above stated.
Compared with the original remaining in my hands.

LE FE BURE DE LABARRE.

FATHER LAMBERVILLE TO M. DE LA BARRE.

[ Paris Doc. II. ]

February 10, 1684.

* * The Governor of New York is to come, they say, next summer to the Mohawk and
We'll see what he'll say. He has sent a shabby ship's flag to the
This is the coat of arms of England. This flag is still in the pub-
I know not when it will see day.

speak there to the Iroquois. Mohawk to be planted there. lic chest of the Mohawks.

M. DE LA BARRE TO GOV. DONGAN.

Montreal 15th June 1684.

Sir-The unexpected attack which the Iroquois, Senecas and Cayugas have made on one of my forts whither I had sent a gentleman of my household to withdraw Sieur de la Salle therefrom, whom I sent at their request to France, and the wholesale plunder of seven French canoes laden with merchandize for the Trade, and the detention during ten days of 14 Frenchmen who were conducting them up, and that in a time when I was in a quiet and peaceable negotiation with them, oblige me to attack them as people from whose promises we have nothing to expect but murder and treason; but I did not wish to do so without advising you of it, and telling you at the same time, that the Mohawks and Oneidas, neighbours of Albany, having done me no wrong, I intend to remain at peace with them and not attack them.

The letters which I have recd from France inform me as does that which you were pleased to honor me with, that our two Kings desire that we should live in Union and Fraternity together.

I shall contribute with the greatest joy, and with a punctuality with which you will be satisfied. I think that on the present occasion you can well grant me the request I make to forbid those at Albany selling any Arms, Powder or Lead to the Iroquois who attacked us and to the other tribes. who may trade with them.

This proceeding alone may intimidate them, and when they see the Christians united on this subject they will shew them more respect than they have done hitherto.

If you have any cause of complaint against their conduct, you can advance it now, & I shall consider your interests as those of my master, as soon as I shall hear from you I will answer regarding what you may require from my ministry in a manner entirely satisfactory to you, esteeming nothing in the world more highly than the opportunity to testify to you how truly I am

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S-Yrs dated the 15th I received the 23d of S. V. of this Instant; & am very sorry that I did not know sooner of the misunderstanding between you and the Indians that so I might (as really I would) haue vsed all just measures to prevent it

those Indians are under this Governmt as doth appeare by his R Highss his patent from his Maty the King of England and their submitting themselves to this Governmt as is manifest by or Records, his R' Highnesses territories reaching as far as the River of Canada and yet notwithstanding the people of yr Govermt Come upon the great lake as allso on this side of both lakes, a thing which will scarcely be beleeved in England

I desire you to hinder them from so doing; and I will strictly forbidde the people of this Province to go on your side of the lakes this I haue hinted that there may be no occasion, as there shall not undoubtedly of mine, to break that desirable and faire Correspondence between the two Kings our Masters. I am so heartily bent to promote the Quiet and tranquillity of this Country & yours that I intend forthwith to go myselfe to Albany on purpose; and there send for the Indians, & require of them to do what is iust in order to a satisfaction to yr pretences; if they will not I shall not uniustly protect them, but do for yr Governmt all that can be reasonably expected from me; & in the mean time to continue & preserue a good Amity between us I think it convenient & desire that no Acts of hostility be cômitted, such differences are of so weighty a concerne that they are most proper to be decided at home and not by us.

I do assure you Sr that no body liueing hath a greater desire that there should be a strict friendshipp betwixt the subjects of this Govermt & yours than I haue and no body more willing upon all Occasions ivstly to approue myselffe Sr

Yr humble Seryt

THO. DONGAN.

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Sir-I came to this town with an intention to sent for the Senequaes but was prevented by some of their Sachims being come hither expressly to meet me.

They tell me that your Intentions are to make warr against them and they believe that you have already entered their countrey which repport I can scarcely give creditt to, after my last letter written to you.

You cannot be ignorant that those Indians are under this Govermt and I do assure you they have againe voluntarily given up both themselves and their lands to it, and in their application which they make to me, do offer, that if they have done anything amisse they will readily give all reasonable satisfaction.

Sr I should be very sorry to hear that you invade the Duke's Territories, after so just and honest an offer, and my promisse, that the Indians shall punctually perform whatever can be in justice required for all these injuries which you complaine they have committed.

I do not doubt but that if you please, this affair may be quietly reconciled between you and the Indians, if not, as I wrote in my former, wee have Masters in Europe to whom we should properly referr.

To prevent as much as I can all the inconveniencyes that may happen. I have sent the bearer with this letter and have ordered the Coates of Armes of His Royal Highnesse the Duke of York to be put up in the Indyan Castles which may diswade you from acting anything that may create a misunderstanding between us

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Sir-I was much astonished by the receipt of your two letters of the fifth of July, New Stile, seeing one in French written by you, which I knew came from you as from friend to friend, and that written in English which I knew came from your Council and not from people disposed to maintain the union of our two Kings.

I sent Sieur Bourbon to you to advise you of the vengeance which I was about to wreak for the insult inflicted on the Christian name by the Senecas and Cayugas, and you answer me about pretensions to the possessions of lands of which neither you nor I are judges, but our own two Kings who have sent us, and of which there is no question at present, having no thought of conquering countries but of making the Christian name and the French people to be respected, in which I will spill the last drop of my blood.

I have great esteem for your person, and considerable desire to preserve the honor of his Brittannick Majesty's good graces as well as those of my Lord the Duke of York, and I even believe that they will greatly appreciate my chastisement of those who insult you and capture you every day as they have done this winter in Merilande. But if I was so unfortunate as that you desired to protect robbers, assassins and traitors, I could not distinguish their protector from themselves. I pray you, then, to attach faith to the credit which I give Sieur de Salavye to explain everything to you; and, if the Senecas and Cayugas wish your services as their intecessor to take security from them, not in the Indian but in the European fashion, without which and the honor of hearing from you, I shall attack them towards the 20th of the month of August, New Stile.

Sir

Your very humble Servant,

LE FEBURE DE LA BARRE.

[ Par. Doc. II.; Lond. Doc. V. ]

INSTRUCTIONS

WHICH SIEUR DE LA BARRE KING'S COUNCILLOR IN HIS COUNCILS, GOVERNOR & HIS LIEUTENANT GENERAL IN ALL THE COUNTRIES OF NEW FRANCE AND ACADIA, GIVES TO SIEUR DE SALVAYE HIS AMBASSADOR TO COLONEL DONGAN, GOVERNOR OF NEW YORK, TO EXPLAIN TO HIM THE UNFAITHFULNESS AND VIOLENCES COMMITTED BY THE SENECAS AND CAYUGAS AGAINST THE FRENCH.

He is, in the first place, to make known to him the quarter where the pillage of the seven canoes was perpetrated, and that it is more than 400 leagues distant from here and an equal distance, at least, Southwest from Albany, in the 39th or 40th degree.

That the place has been occupied over 25 years by the French who there established Catholic Missions of the Jesuit Fathers, and traded there (on fait la traitte) since that time, without the English having ever known, or spoken of, that country.

That the question is not about the country of the Iroquois, nor the Eastern shores of Lake Erie. That the Iroquois having lived, previous to the arrival of M. de la Barre, with little consideration for the French, he was desirous to speak with them, to see if they were friends or foes, and for that purpose they were all assembled at Montreal last August where every thing was arranged on a friendly basis; even the Senecas and Cayugas had demanded the said Sieur de la Barre to withdraw Sieur de la Salle from the government of Fort St. Louis, in Illinois; which he caused to be done and he had the said Sieur de la Salle sent to France in the month of last November.

That notwithstanding this, and all the protestations they had made, a band of 200 warriors, Senecas and Cayugas having met in the month of March of this year, seven canoes manned by 14 Frenchmen, with fifteen or sixteen thousand pounds of Merchandize, who were going to trade with the Scious, towards the Southwest, pillaged them and took them prisoners, without any resistance from the said Frenchmen, who considered them as friends, and after having detained them nine days, with thousands of taunts and insults, released them without having given them either arms or canoes for provisions and to cross the rivers. After which the said Iroquois went and attacked Fort St. Louis, where Sieur Chevalier de Blangy was in the place of said Sieur de la Salle who had been withdrawn at their request. Having made three assaults and been vigorously repulsed, they withdrew from before the said Fort the 29th of said month of March.

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