venience if hee had brought his weary and half starv'd people within the smell of a chimney corner, whom hee now cold keepe from stragling or running away, not knowing whither to runn fʊr feare of ye Indians; The next day Monsieur Corsell sent his men to the village where they were carefully drest and sent to Albany, being seaven in number, the Dutch bores carryed to the camp such provisions as they had, and were too well paid for it; Especially peaz and bread, of wch a good quantity was brought; ye Mohaukes were all gone to their Castles, with resolution to fight it out against the french, who being refresht and supplied wth the aforesaid provisions made a shew of marching towards the Mohaukes Castles, but with faces about and great sylence and dilligence return'd towards Cannada.

Upon the 12th of February, whether a Panick feare, some mutiny, or ye probability of the thawing of the lake, caus'd this sudden (weh the Indians call a dishonorable retreit) I cannot learne, but surely so bould and hardy an attempt (circumstances considered) hath not hapned in any age. All weh vanisht like false fyer, and hath given new courage to their old enemyes ye Mauhaukes who by their spyes hearing of ye retreat of ye French pursued them back to the Lake, but the French making more speed to them from Canada, the Mohaukes did noe considerable prejudice to them, onely took 3 one of wch at his own request they slew, not being able to march, the other they kept prisoners, they found 5 others dead in the way with hunger and cold, but according to their manner brought the crownes of their heads away. those who observed the words and countenance of Monsieur Coursell, saw him disturbed in minde that the king was Master of these parts of the Country, where hee expected to have found the Dutch interest upermost, saying that the king of England did graspe at all America, but hee did not beleive to see the Dutch the masters ere long; he enquired what garrison or what fort was at Albany, 'twas told him a Captain and 60 English soldyers with 9 peece of ordinance in a small fort of foure Bastions, and that the Capt thereof Capt Baker had sent for 20 men from another garrison of the Kings at the Sopes, who probably might be arrived at Albany the same hower, thus finding his men tyr'd, the Mohaukes resolute, and something doubtfull, without tryall of the good will of the English Garrison, because ye reports were strong that the French King and States of Holland were united against His Matie of England, Monsieur Coursell found it reasonable to returne home nothing effected, the 2 prisoners taken by the Mohaukes in the retreate tell them yt this summer another attempt will be made upon their country with a greater force and supplyes of men, the truth or success of which I shall not now discourse upon, having given ye trew relation of what past from ye 29th December to the 12th of February.

[ From Paris Doc. I. ]

On the seventh of the month of July of the year 1666, the Iroquois of the Oneida Nation, having learned from the Mohawks, their neighbors and allies and by the Dutch of Fort Orange that the troops of Louis the fourteenth by the grace of God Most Christian King of France and Navarre, had in the month of February of the said year carried his Majesty's arms, over the snow and ice near unto Fort Orange in New Netherland, under the command of Messire Daniel de Courcelle, Lieutenant General of his armies, pursuant to orders which they received from Messire Alexandre de Prouville knight, Lord de Tracy, member of his Majesty's councils and Lieut. Genl. of his armies, both in the Islands and mainland of South and North America, as well by sea as by land, to fight and destroy the Mohawks, which probably they would have accomplished, had not the mistake of their guides caused them to take one road for the other, came down to Quebec to solicit peace ast well in their own name as in that of the Mohawks by ten of their Ambassadors, by name Soenres,

Tsoenserouanne, Gannoukouenioton, Asaregouenioton, Asaregouaune, Tsendiagou, Achinnhara, Togoukouaras, Oskaraquets, Akouehen, And after having communicated by the mouth of their Orator and Chief Soenres, the object of their Embassy by ten talks expressed by as many presents, and having handed to us the letters from the officers of New Netherland, have unanimously requested, acknowledging the force of his Majesty's arms and their weakness and the condition of the forts advanced towards them, and moreover aware that the three upper Iroquois Nations have always experienced great benefit from the protection which they formerly received from the said Lord the King, that his Majesty would be pleased to extend to them the same favour by granting them the same protection and receiving them among the number of his true subjects, demanding that the Treaties formerly made as well by the said Nations as by theirs, have the same force and validity for that of the Mohawks, who have required of us to solicit this with great importunity, as they should have themselves done by means of their Ambassadors had they not been apprehensive of bad treatment at our hands, ratifying on their part all the said treaties in all their points and articles, which have beeu read to them in the Iroquois tongue by Joseph Marie Chaumont, priest, member of the Society of Jesus; adding, moreover, to all the said articles what the protest effecting in good faith what they offered by their said presents, especially to restore all the Frenchmen, Algonquins and Hurons whom they hold prisoners among them of what condition and quality they may be, and as long as any are detained there, even on the part of the Mohawks, to send families from among them to serve, like those of other nations as the most strict hostages for their persons and dispositions to the orders of those who shall in this Country have authority from the said Lord the King whom they acknowledge from this time as their Sovereign; demanding reciprocally among all other things the restoration to them in good faith, of all those of their Nation who are prisoners at Quebec, Montreal and Three Rivers, that French families and some Black gowns, that is Jesuits be sent to them, to preach the gospel to them and to make known to them the God of the French whom they promise to love and adore; also that trade and commerce be open to them with New France, by the Lake du Saint Sucrement, (L. George) with the assurance on their part that they will provide in their country, a sure retreat as well to the said families as to the trading merchants, not only by preparing cabins to lodge them in, but also by assisting to erect forts to shelter them from their common enemies the Andastaeronnons and others. And that the present Treaty, made on their part in ratification of the preceding, may be stable and known unto all, they have signed it with the separate and distinctive marks of their Tribes, after which what they solicited from the said Lord the King was granted to them in his name by Messire Alexandre de Prouville, Knight, Lord de Tracy member of the King's Councils, &c. (as above) in the presence and assisted by M. Daniel de Remey Siegneur de Courcelles, King's Councillor, &c., &c., and of M. Jean Talon also Councillor, &c. who have signed with the said Lord de Tracy; and as Witnesses, François le Mercier, Priest, Member and Superior of the Society of Jesus at Quebec and Joseph Marie Chaumont likewise Priest and Member of the said Society, Interpreters of the Iroquois and Huron languages. Done at Quebec the 12 July, 1666.

ACTE OF POSSESSION

BY SIEUR DU BOIS IN THE NAME OF THE KING (OF FRANCE) OF THE FORTS TAKEN FROM THE IROQUOIS. In the year 1666, the 17th day of Octob., the King's troops commanded by Messire Alexander de Prouville Knight, Lord de Tracy Lieut. General of His Maties Naval armies both in the Islands and Continent of South and North America as well by sea as by land, aided by Messire Daniel de Remy Knight, Seigneur de Courcelles, Governor and Lieut. General for the King in New France, being drawn up in battle array before the Fort of Andaraque, Jean Baptiste du Bois Esqrs Sieur de Cocreaumont and de St. Morice, Commandant of the Artillery of the army, presented himself at the head of the army by order of Mons. Lord de Tracy and deputed by M. Jean Talon, King's Councillor in his State and Privy Councils, Intendant General of Justice, Police and Finance in New France, for the review and direction of the Supplies of the Troops, who declared and said that at the request of Monsr Talon he took possession of said Fort and of all the lands in the neighborhood as far and in as great a quantity as they may extend, and of the other four forts which have been conquered from the Iroquois in the name of the King, and in token thereof hath planted a cross before the doors of said forts and near this hath erected a post and to these hath affixed the King's arms, of which and of all the above the said Sieur du Bois has required acte of the undersigned Royal Notary commanded in the said army for His Majesty's service. Done at the aforesaid Fort of Andaraque the day and year above written, in presence of Messire Alexander de Chaumont, Knight Seigneur of said place, Aid de Camp of his Majesty's armies, and of Hector d'Andigny, Knight of Grande Fontaine, Captain of a Company of Infantry in the Carignan Regiment, of the Nobleman Antoine de Contrecour Capn of a Company of Infantry in said Regiment, of Francois Massé Sieur de Wally Jean du Gal Esqrs Sieur du Fresne Major of Canada, Jean Louis Chevalier du Glas Lieut of a Company of said Regimt, Rene Louis Chartier Esqr, Sieur de Lobinire Lieutenant of a Militia Company from Quebec, Dominique le Feure Esqr Sieur de Quesquelin Lieutenant in said Regiment, Witnesses undersigned with the said Seigneur du Bois and the Notary. Signed, Chaumont, le Chevalier de Grand Fontain, de Contrecour, du Gal, Wally, Chevlier du Glas, du Guesclin, Rene Louis Chartier, Lobiniere, du Bois and du Guet Royal Notary.

Monsieur,

GOV. NICOLLS TO CHEV. TRACY, AT QUEBEC.

[ London Doc. II. ]

I was in some measure surprized in february last with the newes of so considerable a force of forreiners under the commând of Monsieur de Courcelle so farre advanct in these His Maties Dominions without my Knowledge and Consent, or the least notice given of yr intentions to any of His Maties Colonies then in amity with the French Nation: although y, proceedings heerin were not conformable to the practise in Europe, yet all my officers both Military and Civill soon resolu'd to succor and relieve your Campe with such meane provisions as the Country affords [and] from a small village could bee expected and as they have in all former times been very affectionate with Christian Charity to ransome or by any other meanes to convey divers French prisoners out of the hands of their barbarous Enemies so also their Intentions towards you is manifest in their letter of the 20th March last wherein their purpose was to give you a speedy notice that the Maquaes were

at last wrought upon to treat of peace if you on your parts were so disposed, but it seems (by a sad accident intervening,) you are pleas'd to lay a greater burden upon them than they deserve after their sincere affections to your yeace. To both yr Letters directed to the Captain and C1mmissaries at Albany themselves will return answer but hearing that you had Emploied Le Sr Couture with yr Letters I tooke a suddaine Resolution to have discourse with him to weh purpose I came hither but find that he is return'd without the Knowledge of the Capt. or Commissarie. I could have wisht that hee had staid for mee, or that I could wait his coming for I now want the opportunity of enlarging myself to him and by him to y'selfe with how much Integrity I shall constantly attend the European Interest amidst the heathen in America as becomes a good Christian, provided that the bounds and limits of these His Majesties of Englands dominions be not invaded or the Peace and Safety of his subjects interrupted, In all other points I shall be found to entertaine yr Correspondence with Mutnall Civility and respect the rather because the reputation of yr honour hath spread itself in all these parts of the world, as well as it is known in Europe, whereof I can beare some Testimony, when I had the honour to attend my master his R. H. the Duke of York and Albany a few years in the french army, and now that I serve the same Master in his interest in this part of the World, I should count my selfe very fortunate in an opportunity at least to acknowledge some part of yr great civilities to my Master and all his Servants in their low estate and condition of Exile, The Memory whereof obligeth me (a reasonable time and good occasion concurring) to give you certaine proofe with how much truth I am, Sir,

20th Aug: St; Vet ;

In fort Albany 1666.

Yor Most affte. Servant

RICHARD NICOLLS.

A Monsieur, Monsieur Le Chevalier et Seigneur de Tracy Lt. Generall Du Roy tres Chrestien dans toute L'Amerique.
A Quebec.

M. TALON TO M. COLBERT, 13 Nov. 1666.

[ Paris Doc. I. ]

Monsieur de Tracy and Monsieur de Courcelles are returned from their Expedition, the Iroquois having concluded to retreat and abandon their settlements. The said M. de Tracy could do nothing else than burn their forts and lay waste everything. These two gentlemen will inform you of whatever occurred throughout their march which occupied fifty-three days. What I learn from public opinion is that in what has been performed nothing has been left undone, and that the King's orders had been executed and his expectations entirely realized had those savages stood their ground. It would, in truth, have been desirable that a part had been defeated and some others taken prisoners. The advanced age of M. de Tracy must greatly enhance the merit of the service he has rendered the King, by assuming in a broken down frame such as his, a fatigue of which no correct idea can be formed. I am assured that throughout the whole march of three hundred leagues, including the return, he suffered himself to be carried only during two days, and then he was forced to do so by the gout. M. de Courcelles, though stronger than he, could not help being carried in like manner, having been attacked by a contraction of the nerves. Both in truth have endured all the fatigue that human nature is capable of.

M. de Tracy incurred some expenses on his march for the conveyance of the cannon and other extraordinary services rendered the troops, which I wished to reimburse, but his modesty would not suffer it.

Sir

M. TRACY TO GOV. NICOLLS.

[ London Doc. I. 1

In answer to yor letter of 31. August, [N. S.] I shall tell you that Mons' de Courcelle Governor General of this Countrey, signifying to mee that hee had a desire to make some inroad upon the Maquas, to put a stopp to their barbarous Insolencies; I gave my consent to further the design, that hee might take with him so many officers and souldiers as he thought fit, either of his Maties Companyes, or those of ye Countrey. Whereupon hee advanced within fifteen or twenty leagues of the villages of ye Anniés. But fortunately for them his guides conducting him a wrong way, hee did not meete with them, till he came neare the village which you name in yo Letter, neither had he known there was any of them there, until he had surprized all the Indyans that were in two small Hutts at some distance from that place. This truth is sufficiently convincing, to justify Mons de Courcelle, that hee had no intention to infringe the Peace, that was then between us, for that hee thought himself in the Maquas land. The Moderacôn which he used in the said hutts (although the persons under his command were driven to the uttermost extremity, for want of Provisions) hath sufficiently manifested the consideracóns wee have always had for our allyes (for until then we had no intelligence, that New Holland was under any other Dominion than that of the States of the United Belgick Provinces) and understanding that hee was upon the Lands belonging to the Dutch, hee tooke great care to hinder his companyes from falling into the village, by which means alone the Maquaes that were there saved themselves.

Hee also had so much care and authority as to hinder the souldiers from Killing the Poultry, and taking away Provisions that were in the said hutts, to satisfy their hunger. Thus farr, I ought to vindicate the truth upon this subject.

The ffrench nation is too much inclined to acknowledge curtesies, not to confess that the Dutch have had very much charity for the ffrench, who have been Prisoners with the Maquaes, and that they have redeemed divers, who had been burnt without their succour; They ought also to be assured of our gratitude towards them, and to any others who shall exercise such Christian Deedes, as they have done.

I am also persuaded that they had a sincere intention for the conclusion of a firme peace between us and the Maques. They ought in like manner to believe, that wee have always expressly forbid ye Algonquins to make warr upon or kill them.

Since the Dutch Gent. did send you ye Lrês which I writt unto them, you have known the candour of my thoughts, and the confidance which I had in their ffriendship, by that of the 14th July 1666 as also by the Request I made to the Reverend Father Bechefer (who is a person of great meritt) accompanied with three considerable persons, to transport himself upon the place, to conclude a peace, thereby to ease them of the trouble of coming to Quebec.

Its true the displeasure I received by the death of some Gent'men, who went a fowling upon confidence, of that article weh is in the same letter those Gent'men sent mee, the second time, dated the 26th March 1666, the which I had published in our Garrison [we have acquainted the Maquaes, that they are to forbear all acts of Hostility, during the time that the Messenger shall be absent which they have promised to observe] did give mee a just griefe, and a great deale of discontent, It being evident that those Gent'men had not put themselves upon that hazard, without the assurance: wch would have served amongst Europeans as well as the most authentick Passeport that could be had, the which also wee had caus'd the Algonquins to observe.