you do it? That road would never be able to transport with its own furniture an army of twenty-five thousand men. Cars have been brought from Iowa and Illinois to assist in the transportation of the army between here and Baltimore, and for other purposes. The moment we allow this gauge to be fixed at five feet, we deprive ourselves of all opportunity to furnish furniture to that road to transport an army whenever any exigency of that kind shall arise. That is to me a conclusive argument.

I believe it would be the interest of the country that it should be a uniform gauge from the Atlantic to the Pacific. If parties have been injured by our action, it would be better to appropriate money out of the Treasury to indemnify them for any loss they may have sustained than have a break in the gauge. So far as the State I have the honor in part to represent is concerned, if I were controlled by any local interests, I should be in favor of the break of the gauge, because where there is a break there is always a large amount of business to be done, and a town springs up; but I trust that I look at this question in a national point of view; and in that view, it seems to me, we ought to make the gauge uniform.

In reply to objections against the incorporation of an institution for the education of colored youth in the District of Columbia, he said, February 27, 1863:

The very crude notions entertained and expressed by the Senator from Virginia (Mr. Carlile) in regard to education, sufficiently account to me for a great many things that have hitherto been wholly inexplicable. It may be true that in that section of the country where that Senator is most acquainted the whole idea of education proceeds from the fact that a person is to be educated merely because he is to exercise the elective franchise; but I thank God that I was raised in a section of the country where there are nobler and loftier sentiments entertained in regard to education. We entertain the opinion that all human beings are accountable beings. We believe that every man should be taught, so that he may be able to read the law by which he is to be governed, and under which he may be punished. We believe that every accountable being should be able to read the word of God, by which he shall guide his steps in this life, and be judged in the life to come. We believe that education is necessary in order to elevate

the human race. We believe that it is necessary in order to keep our jails and penitentiaries and almshouses free from inmates. In my section of the country we do not educate any race upon such low and groveling ideas as seem to be entertained by the Senator from Virginia.

A few words will set this matter right in the mind of every right-thinking man. Some humane persons a few years ago raised a sum of money with which they purchased a lot in this city, now estimated to be of the value of ten or twelve thousand dollars, the proceeds of which were to be appropriated exclusively to the education of girls of the colored race. The purpose is to allow the trust to be fulfilled, that these colored girls may be educated, and to allow this corporation to receive any other gifts or bequests that any humane people in the country may see fit to bestow.

Asked by Mr. Powell, of Kentucky, March 2d, if he would be willing to have the President's proclamation withdrawn, the confiscation laws repealed, and the Crittenden compromise with the Powell amendments adopted, Mr. Grimes replied:

I have no hesitation in saying that I would not. No power on earth could induce me to consent to any State, or any set of States, or any people in any portion of the United States, dictating with arms in their hands the terms upon which I would make peace with them, and a change of the Constitution. I do not look to separation. I look to a restoration of the Union, and I look to it by force, if necessary.

§ 3.-In the Thirty-eighth Congress.—1863-1865.

The following letters refer to the naval attack upon Charleston, to Mr. Grimes being a candidate for reëlection to the Senate, and to his labors before the people of Iowa in a political canvass of the State:

81.-To Admiral Du Pont.

BURLINGTON, March 27, 1863.

I feel the difficult and responsible position in which you are placed, and the great questions that are to be settled by the issue. The country feels them. There are inconsiderate and senseless men who complain that an attack has not been earlier made; but they know nothing of the true posture of affairs, and their opinions would be worthless if they did. Every one is satisfied that you will attack at the time your judgment shall decide to be the best time, and everybody whose opinion is worth anything is satisfied that your opinion as to when that best time arrives will be correct. In a word, it gratifies me to be able to assure you that the people of the whole country have entire confidence in your capacity and your patriotism, and those who have watched your career do not suffer themselves for one moment to doubt your complete success. may be that the conflict may be over before this reaches you. I trust it may, and that this may be accepted as my congratulations upon the result. If otherwise, if it reaches you on the eve of battle, then in God's name, in the name of the country, in behalf of your friends, in the name of a good government and of our common humanity, I bid you "good cheer." May God in his wisdom and mercy protect, defend, and give you success! No grander spectacle can be presented to the human vision than a patriotic, Christian man going forth to battle in defense of a wise, paternal, and humane government.

It

I regret as much as you can the failure of Congress to provide means to assist the States of Missouri, Maryland, and Delaware, to secure emancipation. I do not doubt that freedom will soon be universal in those States. Just such bills would have been a sort of culmination and rounding off of the acts of the late Congress that would have reflected glory upon it and upon the country. The Thirty-seventh Congress, much maligned as all assemblies of a

legislative character have been in revolutionary times, composed to a very great extent of men who had not been trained to statesmanship-elected in a time of profound peace upon a multitude of issues, but no one of them in anticipation of a war-that Congress, in my conviction, has immortalized itself, and stands second only to the first Continental Congress. Still it might, it ought to have done

more.

My policy at the last session in regard to naval legislation was "hands off." All sorts of attempts were made to overturn the legislation of the preceding session, but we in some manner or other defeated all such efforts.

82.-To the Editor of the Linn County Register 1

1

BURLINGTON, May 2, 1863.

I have no very great desire to be reëlected to the Senate. On the contrary, I am rather averse to the idea of continuing in public life beyond my present term. Our friends have insisted that I shall serve another term, and I have consented to do so, if, after having surveyed the whole field, they are satisfied that the interest of the country and our party require it, or that they are unable to secure the services of a better man. I have no great love for the place, and can leave it without a single regret, whenever a better man can be sent to Washington who can more faithfully represent our State. I did not seek nor did I anticipate the nomination for Governor, in 1854. When nominated without any agency of mine, as the representative of certain principles, I did my best to be elected. I never asked a man to vote for me to the Senate six years ago, though I was very grateful for the support I got. I have not asked and shall not ask any man to vote for me now. I cannot improve my condition in any respect by reëlection. Every one knows my standing there; and, if satisfied with it, I shall receive their support; if dissatisfied with it, I ought not to receive it.

83.-To Admiral Du Pont.

BURLINGTON, May 26, 1863.

Absence from home, and very numerous duties in the State, crowded into the comparatively short period of the recess, have caused me to be neglectful of the fact that I have not written you

1 In answer to an inquiry whether he was a candidate for reëlection to the Senate.

since you attacked Charleston, though I recollect writing very near that time. The result was not such as we all hoped, and as I confess I anticipated, though I will at the same time honestly confess that I could never give a reason for the faith that was in me. I always supposed that there was to be some coöperative land-force; I was mistaken in this, it appears. I have carefully read all the reports of the engagement. They have been read by every one. You may rely upon it that the public fully justifies you in withdrawing from the contest when you did. It would have been extreme folly to continue it longer. It is evident to every one that the article in the Baltimore American was prompted by some sinister motive, and in receiving that attack you only experience what all our commanders upon land or water have been or will be subject to, no matter how successful they may have been, or may be. It must be a gratification to you to feel that the same amount of confidence is reposed in you that was placed in you both by the Department and the nation before the battle.

We are now rejoicing over a supposed victory at Vicksburg. Our people are as truly loyal, devoted, and determined as ever. I see not the slightest abatement among the people of this region of their firm resolution to crush out the rebellion, and to have indeed a Nation."

July 30th.-I duly received your favor of the 20th inst., and on the same day the gun captured on the Atlanta, sent by express. Accept my thanks for the present. I have fired it to-day, and find it to be a very wicked implement. It seems that Charleston is destined to be "a hard nut to crack," in the hands of Gillmore and Dahlgren, as well as in the hands of their predecessor.

Mr. Grimes participated in a festival given to the ministers. and delegates of the churches of the Congregational order in Iowa, assembled at Burlington, June 5th, and made an address in response to the sentiment:

The Senate of the United States-Honor and renown to the Senators from Iowa for unswerving fidelity to humanity and justice, and for a country redeemed and disenthralled by the genius of universal emancipation.

He complimented the clergy for their devotion to liberty and the national cause, acknowledged his indebtedness to their