from and after 1865. I am willing to take the responsibility of giving that vote, and stand the test before the freemen of Iowa. But I am unwilling to vote more. It may be that the slaves are worth more. I have a great many doubts on that subject. It may be that we may be benefited by abolition in Missouri more than ten million dollars. I have a great many doubts on that subject. It may be that the Legislature of Missouri will be unwilling to accept a less sum. I have very many doubts on that subject. They are anxious to get as many millions as possible; but I think, when they discover that we are willing to give them immediately ten millions, and that that is the whole amount we are disposed to give, they will be perfectly willing to accept it.

A bill appropriating twenty millions passed the Senate, February 12th, but failed in the House. Mr. Grimes voted against it.

In relation to President Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation, Mr. Grimes remarked, February 28th:

A great deal has been said about the effect of the President's proclamation of September last. We have been told that it is having a most disastrous effect upon the people of the country, and especially upon the armies of the country; that its tendency has been to demoralize the soldiers. I am not authorized to speak for any other State than that of which I am one of the representatives in this chamber; nor am I authorized to speak for any other portion of the Army than that gallant portion that my State furnishes. I desire to say, and I say it knowing, as well as any man can know, the sentiment of the people he represents, that, instead of the proclamation having had the effect attributed to it, it had precisely the contrary effect. It came to us while I was canvassing the State of Iowa preceding the last October election, and it was hailed by the loyal men of all parties, who were anxious to put down this rebellion, as one of the most efficient means of bringing it to a successful conclusion. The soldiers of Iowa have hailed it with acclamation. They have accepted it, as the citizens of the State have; and they are willing to use that or any other means, in order to preserve the Union in its glory and consistency. The motto of my State at home, in the field, everywhere, is "Onward and upward!"

THE UNITED STATES MILITARY ACADEMY.

Mr. Grimes was a friend to this institution. He said, July 12, 1861:

I believe it is the universal testimony of this country, and of citizens of foreign countries who have been brought in contact with officers educated there, that some of the most accomplished officers the world has ever seen have been produced in that institution. I do not believe that there is any army in the world that has more accomplished officers than we have in the American Army, who have been educated at West Point. That institution has been under the charge of the Engineer Corps. You know how that corps is constituted. It is the élite of the service. Those who graduate at the head of their classes are assigned to that particular department. They are men selected on account of their intellectual qualifications, their application, and the ability by which they have distinguished themselves while at the Academy.

It is proposed to change this, and open the Academy to the superintendency of anybody who may, for the time being, be con nected with our Army. I am opposed to it. I would not object so much to open the superintendency to the three scientific corps of the Army, the two Engineer Corps, and the Ordnance Corps; but I do insist that we shall confine it to those three.

He said, January 7, 1862:

There never was a greater mistake than that under which gentlemen seem to labor when they suppose that West Point is the nursery of treason. The facts show the reverse. The proportion of persons appointed from civil life who turned out to be disloyal was much greater than of those educated at the Military Academy. Nearly one-half of those appointed from civil life were disloyal, while not quite one-third of those educated at the Academy.

In a debate upon the bill making appropriations for the support of the Academy, January 15, 1863, he said:

I have received many letters from my constituents urging me to vote against this bill. I do not propose to do so, and I desire to state in one word why I shall not.

The great want of an educated soldiery in this country was first discovered during our Revolutionary War; and he who will read the

letters of General Washington will discover that in almost every letter to the Continental Congress he urged the necessity of securing engineer officers. It was in accordance with his desire that they secured through their representatives in France and the other Continental governments in Europe engineer officers to come here, who acted as engineers during the Revolutionary War. During his administration and that of his successor, efforts were made to establish a military academy upon the plan of the military academies then in existence in France, but I believe none was established until 1803, during the administration of Mr. Jefferson, when our present school at West Point was established.

True, you cannot make a good commander out of every one sent to West Point; but while we condemn and pass judgment upon West Point, or the character exhibited by one particular man of its graduates, who happens to be in the command of a large army, we forget the other six hundred men from that Academy in subordinate positions, who are looking after your artillery corps, fabricating and looking after your ordnance and missiles of war, attending to your quartermaster and your commissary departments, who are skilled in all the details of those different departments, and are keeping regularity and order throughout.

It may be that the time will come-and I should like to see it come-when military schools shall be established in the different States. Whenever the States shall establish these schools, and they turn out scholars fit to occupy the positions now given to graduates of the Military Academy, I would at once say, Let these young students go before a board of military officers, and, when they have passed an examination, let them be received into the Army, and let West Point be dispensed with. But are we prepared to do it now? Is there a single school of that description in any of the States? I know of none. There are some private schools where scholars are taught in the manual of arms; but no such foundation for a military education is laid as is necessary for an officer who goes into your Artillery, Engineer, or Ordnance Corps.

Mr. Grimes advised the early return of the Naval Academy to Annapolis, and said with reference to proposals for locating it elsewhere, June 16, 1862:

Let me warn my friends from New England that the worst

policy for them is this constant attempt to draw all the institutions of the country up into the Northeastern States. There is a feeling now in the public mind, in some sections, in the Northwest particularly, that they are being made in too great a degree tributary to the New England States; that you have all the arsenals, the armories, the navy-yards, custom-houses, officers, everything almost, up in that section. I do not entertain any of this feeling; I want to guard against it; and I want to crush out that sentiment as far as possible; but the attempt to draw these institutions there tends to increase this sentiment in other sections. It is not the true policy of any portion of this country to try to monopolize, or to have the idea go out that they are trying to monopolize the power and wealth of the country in a particular locality, or in a particular cluster of States; and it is not for the interest of those States that that idea should be propagated, because we all desire to preserve this Union just as long as possible. The very way to break it up is, to get the opinion entertained in other States that some of the States are using the patronage and wealth of the country for their particular advancement and emolument, and not for the common good. We all know that, from the fact that the New England and Atlantic States were settled much before the others, there has been an accumulation of these offices. We have our arsenals, armories, navy-yards, and military school, all clustered within a radius of two hundred miles. There are three navy-yards within a radius of two hundred miles, perhaps four; for I think that will include Philadelphia. Now, what I want to impress on the minds of Senators is this: that, everything else being equal, it would be for the interest of the Government to place your Naval Academy and some of your other institutions beyond those States. Everything else being equal, it would be for the interest of the Government, and for the interest of the New England States, and New Jersey, and New York, to keep your Academy at Annapolis, rather than to take it to Newport or Perth Amboy.

Favoring the appointment of boys to the Naval Academy, who were sons of officers, seamen, marines, or soldiers, Mr. Grimes said, July 2d:

The purpose is principally on account of the effect that it is calculated to have upon the men. I know many likely young boys,

sons of boatswains, carpenters, forward officers, about your navyyards. It would be a consolation to those officers to know, when they go into battle, to uphold the flag of the country, that there is a provision by which these sons of theirs may secure an appointment, and finally become officers, and that the bestowment of these places is not to be restricted entirely to the sons of politicians. The purpose was to encourage the men in both services, the military and the naval, by holding out this inducement, saying to them, We will not only take care of your widow, but we will educate your boy. And we have provided that the President shall have three appointments to the Naval Academy from the boys who have enlisted as boys in the naval service, to be conferred on such as the one who distinguished himself on board the Varuna at the mouth of the Mississippi, and another little boy who distinguished himself on the Cumberland, when she went down in Hampton Roads. It is a very small boon. We have now in the service of the United States thirty thousand seamen, and I do not know how many soldiers-five hundred thousand perhaps-and we merely authorize the President by this bill to select ten from the sons of these men, and agree that they shall have an education at the Naval Academy. The department wanted the limit of age fixed at sixteen. It was extended to seventeen in opposition to their wishes. In the English service they allow no boy to enter over fifteen, and it is stated to be the fact that no man makes a good officer or a good sailor who enters after he is sixteen years of age.

Mr. Grimes advocated the removal of the navy-yard at Philadelphia a mile and a half down the Delaware River to League Island, especially with reference to the necessities of an iron navy. He considered it the place of all others for that purpose. The island is made by the disemboguement of the Schuylkill into the Delaware. He made a speech in favor of the measure, June 24th, in which, after contrasting the navy-yards of Great Britain and France with those of this country, he showed that for capacity of site, insular position, fresh water, depth of water, susceptibility of defense, proximity to the coal and iron fields of Pennsylvania, and proximity to a manufacturing city with a large mechanical population, no place on the continent could fairly compete with League Island for a great iron-navy yard. In