1840 January 7, 1840

From Journal of the House of Representatives, pp. 9-12

Fellow citizens of the Senate, and House of Representatives:

That is a wise provision of our fundamental law, which requires that the Representatives should meet at a fixed period each year, and consult together for the common good. In older states than ours, even, and in other and less changeful times, such a measure is full of wisdom. A general knowledge of the condition of public affairs is thus brought within the grasp of all. That tendency to abuse, to which all things human are subject, is thus placed, periodically, within the power of control; and the frequent recurrence to fundamental principles which such annual meetings of the chosen agents of the people naturally invites, tends eminently to secure the efficacy and preserve the purity of the government. But here, in a new country like ours, not yet reclaimed from its wilderness condition, where our local institutions have already proved imperfect and inadequate; where new interests are constantly arising to be protected and advanced; where new difficulties are occurring, to be obviated and overcome, and evils of an extraordinary character, both local and national, are pressing heavily upon us, such a provision seems indispensable. In an age like this, especially, so strongly marked by its love of change, by its novel experiments, its fanciful theories, and its fearful hypotheses, how eminently necessary it is, that the people, in the persons of their selected and honored agents, should be thus called together, that they may interchange their opinions, and deliberate and act for the common good; that they may cautiously review the condition of our public affairs; that they may correct whatever may tend to evil in our existing establishments, and that they may devise the most appropriate means by which to elevate the character, promote the happiness, and foster and protect the best interests of the country!

Such are the benign purposes, gentlemen, for which you are now called together by our organic law. To aid you, in whatsoever degree it may please God to enable me to do in the attainment of purposes so beneficent, and so imposing. I also am honored by the commands of our common constituents. I approach this new theatre of action with promptitude, for such is my duty-but oppressed, as I feel myself, by the variety and importance of the obligations imposed upon me; by the responsibilities to God and to my country, which I thus assume, I

approach it with that deep humility which becomes the occasion. Our fellow-citizens have confided in my honesty of purpose, gentlemen, and in yours. They have trusted in our energy, in our prudence, and in our wisdom; and thus confiding, they have placed, for a time, in our hands, the character, the well-being, and under the providence of God, the destinies of our young and interesting state. But generous and confiding as they are, they nevertheless expect much from us-and, for good or for evil, grave and lasting consequences will be anticipated from the manner in which we shall acquit ourselves of this high trust. Let us commence our interesting work, then, with a due sense of its importance-let us suppress all such local partialities and party animosities, as may seem unfriendly to the common good—and each in our prescribed sphere, and invoking the blessing of Providence upon our labors, with singleness of heart, seek to advance the moral and political prosperity of our common country.

It is a country dear to us all! and while we humble ourselves before the power of the merciful Ruler of all things, and, in sorrow, confess that the many evils, which, as a people and a nation, we endure, are brought upon us by our folly, fool-hardiness and sin, let us not cease to be grateful, for that our lot has been cast in so fair á land, for that the benefits of christianity have been spread far and wide among us, that health has dwelt in our habitations, that our harvests have been gathered in so rich abundance, and that we are permitted to "sit down and reason together" concerning the improvement of the social, moral, and political institutions of the country, while peace and plenty rest upon our borders, and there are none to make us afraid. I am aware, gentlemen, that in its apportionment of powers, the constitution has not assigned it to the executive department to participate, directly, in the discussions, which may be incident to the business of legislation. To the matured wisdom and prudence of the Senate and House, it is peculiarly given, to settle as well the principles, as the details of all bills which may be before you; yet, to a certain extent, the Governor is also identified with your enactments, and his concurrence made necessary. The general remarks I have ventured to submit then, will not I hope be deemed obtrusive nor unwarrantable. The Governor, among other enumerated duties, is required to communicate to you. "the condition of the State," and to recommend to you such measures "as he shall deem expedient." The circumstances under which I meet you, will render it impossible for me, at the outset, to acquit myself of either branch of this study, in any but a very imperfect manner. The true condition of the state can be ascertained only, as to most particulars at least, through information obtained from its principal

officers, followed, perhaps, by a laborious examination of their respective departments. A demand for such information and scrutiny, would be sanctioned, only, on the part of the constituted and recognized organs of the State; in me hitherto, it would have been unauthorized and obtrusive. I must then obey the dictates of circumstances, and while I reserve for future and occasional communications, more exact views of the actual posture of our public affairs, and the recommendation of such specific measures as may be deemed appropriate, I must, at the moment of my induction, restrict myself to submit to considerations of a general character. These I am ready to submit to you whenever you may be pleased to receive them. They may appear to you imperfect in conception, as they are deficient in detail. Without any official facilities, I could hardly hope to have made them so. But I have the consolation to remember, that while in the reports required by law to be made to you, you will find certainty substituted for conjecture, so, in the resources of your own intelligence and sound judgment, you will find an ample corrective for any crude thoughts or fallacies of mine. There is, after all, gentlemen, an invisible hand which overrules the councils and conducts the affairs of men; with Him, the wisdom of man is as foolishness; but with his benediction upon our labors, which we ought humbly and fervently to implore, we may well hope that our efforts to ameliorate the condition and advance the best happiness of our country, may be crowned with signal success.

WILLIAM Woodbridge.

January 17, 1840

From Journal of the House of Representatives, pp. 62-63

To the Senate and House of Representatives:

It has become my duty to request the early attention of the Legislature, to the condition of that very numerous class of our fellow citizens, who seem to have entered into contracts with the accredited agents of the state, for the furnishing of materials, or the performance of labor upon our public works, and who claim to be creditors.

The aggregate amount of the outstanding pecuniary liabilities already incurred in the prosecution of our gigantic project of internal improvement, can best be ascertained by a minute examination into all the operations of the commissioners and of the board.

If this aggregate amount should be found swollen beyond our present available means, I am persuaded that you will not the less think it a duty, gentlemen, to provide for its liquidation; nor would any unnecessary delay of payment, in cases where contracts have been entered into

in perfect good faith, be justified, by imputing indiscretion or extravagance to our predecessors who may have authorized such accumulated liabilities. It is the public faith, which is pledged; and it is our constant duty to preserve the public faith inviolate. And as this, to the utmost extent possible, is our duty, so, I am sure, you will think it also, for our advantage. For "there is no truth more thoroughly established," (as our first, our greatest, and our best president has told us,) "than that there exists, in the economy of nature, an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness; between duty and advantage; between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy, and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity." Feeling assured, gentlemen, that there can exist no difference of opinion, as to the justice of these sentiments, or the soundness of the policy which they indicate, I respectfully lay before you, herewith, a memorial of some of our fellow citizens, exhibiting the distressed condition in which they appear to have been placed by reason of an alleged failure on the part of the agents of the state, to comply with the pecuniary engagements made with the memorialists. Though addressed to the Governor, (who, without your aid, can furnish no relief,) yet I have considered it a duty, which both justice and sound policy enjoin, to submit it to you, for your more efficient consideration.

But while I commend this subject to your earnest attention, I would venture to suggest the expediency of a guarded caution, in any general act you may think it proper to pass against the allowance of claims upon any contract, except such as may have been entered into in the most perfect good faith.

I again, also, respectfully ask your consideration of the propriety of abrogating, or at least of suspending, all existing authority, on the part of the commissioners of internal improvement, to enter into any new contract for the prosecution of the projected works, until ways and means to meet the exigency shall have been provided.

I avail myself of the occasion, to present for the consideration of both houses, a communication from the Secretary of State, concerning insurance upon the capitol and the state library, and submit the propriety of early attention upon the subject alluded to.

WILLIAM WOODBRIDGE.

February 28, 1840

From Journal of the House of Representatives, pp. 325-327

To the House of Representatives:

Gentlemen In accordance with the provision of the constitution, I return to "the house in which it originated," the bill entitled "An act