matter in a party light. If I were to accustom myself to view it in a party light, I might look with unconcern on this difficulty, for the smaller boroughs of the country are not, on the whole, favorable to our views. I am proud to think our party is supported by the great counties, and now to a great extent by great towns and cities; but I do not consider the smaller boroughs favorable to Conservative views. It is the national sympathies and wide sentiments of those who live in our great cities that are much more calculated to rally round the cause in which we are deeply concerned the greatness and glory of our country. This ought to be known, that if those who intend to have a further measure of parliamentary reform have digested that large meal which they had a few years ago, they should remember that there is no borough in England with under 40,000 inhabitants that would have any claim to be represented even by one member. Now that is a very important consideration if, as we are told, the small boroughs of between 10,000 and 15,000 inhabitants are the backbone of the Liberal party. They may be, and I think they are, but I should be very sorry to see them disfranchised, for they are centers of public spirit and intelligence in the country, influencing very much the districts in which they are situated, and affording a various representation of the mind and life of the country. But it is inevitable that that would occur, and I think, therefore, it ought to be well understood by the country when you hear persons without the slightest consideration saying they are prepared to vote for this, or in favor of that, whereas they have not really mastered the question in any degree whatever. So far as I am concerned, any proposition to change the representation of the people brought forward by her majesty's gov ernment will receive my respectful and candid consideration. But I say at once that I will vote for no measure of that kind or of that class which is brought forward by some irresponsible individual who, on the eve of a general election, wants to make a claptrap career. I think it is perfectly disgusting for individuals to jump up in the House of Commons without the slightest responsibility, official or moral, and make propositions which demand the gravest consideration of prolonged and protracted cabinets, with

all the responsibility attaching to experienced statesmen. Now, gentlemen, although I have rather exceeded the time I had intended, there are one or two more remarks I should like to make on subjects which interest us all. And first, as the only feature in our domestic life that gives me uneasiness, are the relations at present between capital and labor, and between the employers and employed. I must say one word upon that subject. If there are any relations in the world which should be those of sympathy and perfect confidence, they always appear to be the relations which should subsist between employers and employed, and especially in manufacturing life. They are, in fact, much more intimate and more necessary relations than those which subsist between landlords and tenants. It is an extremely painful thing that of late years we so frequently hear of misunderstandings between the employers and the employed-that they look upon each other with suspicion-with mutual suspicion as if each were rapaciously inclined either to obtain or retain the greater share of the profits of their trade; and those incidents with which you are all acquainted, of a very painful nature, have been the consequence. I am not talking of demands for an increase of wages when men are carrying on what is called a roaring trade-I believe that is the classical epithet taken from the Manchester school. When a roaring trade is going on, I am not at all surprised that workingmen should ask for an increase of wages. But a trade sometimes ceases to roar, when wages naturally, on the same principle, assume a form more adapted to the circumstances. No doubt, during the last twenty years there appears to have been, not a passing and temporary cause of disturbance like the incidents of trade being very active or reduced, but some permanent cause disturbing prices, which alike confuses the employer in his calculations as to profits, and embarrasses the employed from the greater expenditure which they find it necessary to make. Now, I cannot but feel myself-having given to the subject as much consideration as I could-I cannot help feeling that the large and continuous increase of the precious metals, especially during the last twenty years, has certainly produced no inconsiderable effect-not only in trade, but no inconsiderable effect in prices. I will not, on an occasion

like this, enter into anything like an abstruse discussion. I confine myself to giving my opinion and the results which I draw from it; and this moral, which I think is worthy of consideration. If it can be shown accurately and scientifically that there is a cause affecting a prominent class, reducing the average remuneration of the employed, and confusing and confounding the employer in his calculations as to profits—if that can be shown, and if it is proved to be the result of inexorable laws, far beyond the reach of legislation, and of circumstances over which human beings have no control-I think if that could be shown, and employers and employed had sufficient acuteness and knowledge and I am sure that in Scotland both will have to acknowledge that result it would very much change those mutual feelings of suspicion and sentiments of a not pleasant character which occasionally prevail when they find that they are both of them the victims, as it were, of some inexorable law of political economy which cannot be resisted. I think, instead of supposing that each wanted to take advantage of the other, they would feel inclined to put their shoulders to the wheel, accurately ascertain whether this be true, and come to some understanding which would very much mitigate the relations which subsist between them, and I have little doubt the effect would be to increase the average rate of wages, with my views as to the effect of the continuous increase of the precious metals. But, at the same time, I have not the slightest doubt the employer would, in the nature of things, find adequate compensation for the new position in which he would find himself. There is one point before I sit down to which I wish to call your attention, because if I am correct in saying that the question of the relations between the employer and employed is the only one that gives me anxiety at home, there is a subject abroad to which, I think, I ought, on an occasion like this, to draw your notice; and that is the contest that is commencing in Europe between the spiritual and temporal powers. Gentlemen, I look upon it as very grave, as pregnant with circumstances which may greatly embarrass Europe. The religious sentiment is often and generally taken advantage of by political classes who use it as a pretext; and there is much going on in Europe at the present

moment which, it appears to me, may occasion us soon much anxiety in this community. I should myself look upon it as the greatest danger to civilization if, in the struggle that is going on between faith and free thought, the respective sides should only be represented by the papacy and the red republic; and here I must say that if we have before us the prospect of struggles-perhaps of wars and anarchy, ultimately-caused by the great question that is now rising in Europe, it will not easily be in the power of England entirely to withhold herself from such circumstances. Our connection with Ireland will then be brought painfully to our consciousness, and I should not be at all surprised if the vizor of Home Rule should fall off some day, and you beheld a very different countenance. Now, gentlemen, I think we ought to be prepared for those circumstances. The position of England is one which is indicative of dangers arising from holding a middle course upon those matters. It may be open to England again to take a stand upon the Reformation which three hundred years ago was the source of her greatness and her glory, and it may be her proud destiny to guard civilization alike from the withering blast of atheism and from the simoom of sacerdotal usurpation. These things may be far off, but we live in a rapid age, and my apprehension is that they are nearer than some suppose. If that struggle comes we must look to Scotland to aid us. It was once, and I hope is still, a land of liberty, of patriotism, and of religion. I think the time has come when it really should leave off mumbling the dry bones of political economy and munching the remainder biscuit of an effete Liberalism. We all know that a general election is at hand. I do not ask you to consider on such an occasion the fate of parties or of ministers. But I ask you to consider this, that it is very probable that the future of Europe depends greatly on the character of the next Parliament of England. I ask you, when the occasion comes, to act as becomes an ancient and famous nation, and give all your energies for the cause of faith and freedom.

AUGUST BEBEL

SOCIALISM AND ASSASSINATION

[August Bebel, one of the most conspicuous leaders of the Socialdemocratic party in German politics, was born in Cologne 1840, and received his early education in the public school of the neighboring village of Brauweiler. He took up wood-turning as a trade, and in 1860 went to Leipsic as a master turner. From 1861 Bebel warmly espoused the cause of labor in Germany, a cause which since the appearance of Lassalle had assumed a distinctly socialistic character. Bebel became a leader in the Mechanics' Institute at Leipsic, and in 1865 was elected president of it. He served in various offices pertaining to labor associations, turning them as much as possible into strictly political clubs, and thus he must be looked upon as one of the founders of the Social-democratic party. He was an active writer for the press, and was hailed as leader by a host of followers, who, in 1871, elected him to the German Reichstag. Since then he has been active in political life. His speeches are bold and outspoken, and on one occasion he caused a sensation throughout Europe by charging the Emperor William with lunacy. He is, however, no fanatic, but a scientific socialist of the latest school. Bebel is a voluminous writer, as well as an eloquent speaker, and is the author of many fresh and clever books, in which are expounded his revolutionary sentiments. His daring but brilliantly expressed ideas have found high favor among those classes in Europe that are inclined toward socialism and kindred principles. The following speech was made on the occasion of the Empress of Austria's assassination, and is a fair exposition of Bebel's socialistic views.]

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LARGE element in the German middle classes has not yet forgotten the law against the socialists. That law's repeal cost the capitalist class bitter pangs. In their distraction they sought some opportunity to replace it with a statute of an exceptional character, or by a stretching of the common law. Their main reliance in this undertaking was Prince Bismarck. Conflict of opinion as to how the socialists were to be dealt with had led to his