THOMAS FRANCIS BAYARD ON THE UNITED STATES ARMY [Thomas Francis Bayard, an American statesman whose eloquence was of a distinguished character, was born in Delaware in 1828, his father, his grandfather, and his great-grandfather having represented that state in the United States Senate. He received an academic education, studied law, and entered public life as a Democrat. He succeeded his father in the United States Senate, where he served three terms. President Cleveland made him Secretary of State in his first and Ambassador to Great Britain in his second administration. His utterances in England were pro-British, and brought down upon him some criticism in the United States House of Representatives. He died in 1898. The speech that follows is an eloquent tribute to the United States army, and was delivered before the Phi Beta Kappa Society, at Harvard University, in 1877.] THE HE army of the United States, like the militia of the lation; like the "princes and lords" of Goldsmith's verse— "A breath can make them, as a breath hath made.” "He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies, without the consent of the legislature," was one of the facts justifying revolution, "submitted to a candid world," by the founders of this government. So long as human nature remains unchanged, the final argument of force cannot be disregarded; but, outside and beyond the will of the people expressed by law, an American army cannot exist; it is but their instrument for their own service. It is wholly dependent upon them; and they are never dependent upon it, and never will be while civil liberty exists in substance among us. When called into existence, the army represents the military spirit of the whole nation, and is supported by the enthusiasm and pride of all. It is composed of American valor, skill, and energy, and is dedicated to the glory of our common country, whose history contains no brighter pages than those which record the naval and military achievements of her sons; but neither army nor navy stands now, nor ever did, nor ever will, toward the American people in the relation of policemen to a turbulent crowd. And those who would wish to see it placed in such an attitude, and employed in such work, are short-sighted indeed, and little regard the true dignity of the American soldier, or the real security of the American citizen. The army of the United States is born of the martial spirit of a brave people, and is the product of national courage. This hall is hallowed as a memorial of the valor and devotion of those gallant youths who made themselves part of the army at a time when they felt their country needed their service, and who freely offered up their lives upon the altar of patriotism. "Oh, those who live are heroes now, and martyrs those who sleep." Their surviving companions have returned to the paths of civil life, and the community is gladdened by their presence and strengthened by their example. If, to-morrow, the individuals who compose the army of the United States should return to the occupations of civil life, they would be quietly engulfed in the great wave of humanity which rolls. around them, and the true forces of the government would move on in their proper orbits as quietly and securely as before the event. Louis XIV., of France, "le grand Monarque,”—of whom it was truly said, "His highest praise was that he supported the stage trick of royalty with effect," caused his cannon to be cast with the words, "Ultima ratio regum"; and his apothegm has so far advanced that in our day cannon seem, not the last, but the first and only argument of royal government in Europe. In the maze of strife, armed diplomacy, and exhausting warfare, in which all Europe now seems about to be involved, how just the picture drawn by Montesquieu nearly a century and a half ago! "A new distemper has spread itself in Europe, infecting our princes, and inducing them to keep up an exorbitant number of troops. It has its redoublings, and of necessity becomes contagious; for as soon as one prince augments his forces the rest, of course, do the same, so that nothing is gained thereby but public ruin. Each monarch keeps as many armies on foot as if his people were in danger of being exterminated, and they give the name of peace to this effort against all." But a few weeks ago at Berlin, during a debate in the imperial parliament in relation to an increased grant of new captaincies of their army, a remarkable speech was made by General von Moltke, the venerable master of the science of warfare. The telegram says: "He insisted on the necessity of the grant. He said he wished for long peace, but the times did not permit such hope. On the contrary, the time was not far distant when every government would be compelled to strain all its strength for securing its existence. The reason for this was the regrettable distrust of governments toward each other. France had made great strides in her defenses. Uncommonly large masses of troops were at present between Paris and the German frontier. Everything France did for her army received the undivided approval of her people. She was decidedly in advance of Germany in having her cadres for war ready in times of peace. Germany could not avoid a measure destined to compensate for it." Will it not be well for Americans to comprehend fully the importance of the confession contained in this speech? To-day the consolidated Empire of Germany is confessedly the best organized and equipped military power on the globe. To reach this end every nerve has been strained, every resource of that people freely applied. The idea of military excellence, like the rod of Aaron, has swallowed up all others; all others have bent to its service, until upon the shoulder of every man within her borders capable of bearing arms, the hand of the drill-sergeant has been laid, and from center to circumference of the empire centralized military power reigns supreme. Whatever of unqualified success a victory of arms can yield, surely it was achieved by Germany in her last memorable campaign against France. And history nowhere else exhibits in such completeness and precision the mathematical demonstration of successful scientific warfare. With a rapidity and fulness scarcely credible, the student of history saw the "whirligig of time bring in his revenges, whilst the disciples of military art witnessed demonstrations of the problems of war executed upon a scale and with a steady and intelligible certainty that approached the marvelous. Never was a military campaign more completely and at all points successful-even to the conquest and dismemberment of the hostile territory as a safeguard for the future, and the exaction of enormous tribute by way of pecuniary reimbursement from the vanquished. Let us note well the fruit of it all, and learn, so far as we may by the costly experience of others, what are the consequences of such a system and policy. Does it secure peace, prosperity, and tranquil happiness? Let the victor answer. It is Von Moltke, one of the chief architects of the system, himself who confesses-even whilst the garlands of his great triumph are yet unfaded on his brow-that he longs for peace, but the times do not permit such hope. That every government is soon to be compelled to strain all its strength for securing its existence. To the worshipers of military power and the believers in armed force as the chief instrumentality of human government I commend Von Moltke's speech. If perfected military rule brings a people to such a pass, may Heaven preserve our country from it! Well may we exclaim with the sightless apostle of English liberty "What can war, but endless war still breed." Even victory must have a future, and the only victories which can have permanence, and the fruits of which grow more secure with time, are those of justice and reason; those of mere force are almost certain to contain selfgenerated seeds for their own subsequent reversal. The safety and strength of our American government consists in the self-reliant and self-controlling spirit of its people. It was their courage, their intelligence, their virtues, that enabled our forefathers to build it up; and the same qualities and our sense of its value will inspire their descendants with love and courage to defend it. "Full flashing on our dormant souls the firm conviction comes That what our fathers did for theirs-we would for our homes." In 1789, no sooner was the original Constitution of our government adopted than the several states and their people hastened unanimously to declare in a second article of amendment that "A well-regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed." And by article third "No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house without the consent of the owner; nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law." The right of the people to bear arms was thus sedulously guarded, and the necessary security of a free state was declared to be a "well-regulated militia.' By the first article of the original Constitution, power was given to Congress to raise and support armies, but coupled with the express condition that no appropriation of money to that purpose should be made for a longer period than two years. When delegating power to Congress to call forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, and suppress insurrection and invasion, the power was expressly reserved to the states, respectively, to appoint their own officers, and to train the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress. Thus it will be seen that in the martial spirit of a free people, and in their right to bear arms, the founders of our government reposed their trust, and experience has proved how wisely. The army of the United States is our honorable instrument of self-defense, and its organization, its numbers, its employment, are to be regulated wholly by law. The military is at all times to be subordinate to the civil authority, and dependent upon law for its powers, and the prescription of its duties. |