We print the names of these infamous Tories, because their descendants are spread all over the South, and a portion of them are now figuring in this Secession movement, and some of them ever in their late Con

vention. They have a hereditary title to the contempt of all honest and patriotic men. Did not a man by the name of R. Barnwell Smith, some twenty-five or thirty years ago, have his name changed to that of Rhett, by the Legislature? and, if so, what was the motive? Was he not prominent in the late Convention, in declaring South Carolina out of this Union? We ask for information; because there have been more names changed in South Carolina, by Act of General Assembly, than in any State in the Union!

In thus showing up the original Toryism of South Carolina, we have desired to retort upon Mr. Yancey, who stood upon the platform in Knoxville last summer, and gave it as his opinion that the Bell-and-Everett men of the South were the descendants of the Tories of the Revolution. Mr. Yancey is a native of South Carolina; and who among this list of names were his "illustrious predecessors"? He may perhaps be able to say, when he inspects the list!

All who have noticed with care the proceedings in the South Carolina Convention must have been struck with the royalty displayed, when their President was marched in, dressed in mazarine blue, and attended by Lords and Commoners, equalling the coronation services in the installation of a king. king. There is a great deal of this monarchical and despotic feeling in South Carolina. To this very day, they clothe their circuit judges in black silk gowns, and attend them

to and from the court-room every time court adjourns, with a sheriff and his deputy on either side, wearing cocked hats, and carrying drawn swords in their hands! We have witnessed this mock-royalty time and again, and laughed in our sleeves, as these dignitaries approached!

These are not the people to head a Confederacy for Tennesseeans to fall into. Their notions of royalty, and their contempt for the common people, will never suit Tennesseeans. In Tennessee, free white men vote who are twenty-one years of age, and they are not required to own land and negroes before they are qualified to vote. In a late speech made by R. Barnwell Rhett—who, by the way, was the leading spirit in this Convention—he distinctly enunciated that capital and property must hereafter be represented at the ballot-box. It is not strange that Andy Johnson, a tailor by trade, should denounce this whole movement in a speech in the Senate! And nine-tenths of our people will veto this Southern Confederacy at the ballot-box, and vote to stay in the Confederacy founded by GEORGE WASHINGTON and others, who thought a poor but honest man should be entitled to vote for or against those who were to rule over him! Let Tennessee once go into this Empire of Cotton States, and all poor men will at once become the free negroes of the Empire! We are down upon the whole scheme.

Knoxville Whig, Jan. 12, 1861.

CHAPTER V.

THREATENING TO HANG US FOR OUR PRINCIPLES-CHARGES US WITH

THE

BEING A YANKEE THE

WICKEDNESS
WICKEDNESS OF SECESSION-ORIGIN OF

SECESSION-SOUTH CAROLINA FIRES THE FIRST GUN-FREEDOM OF
SPEECH TO BE DENIED-STANDING OUT FOR THE UNION.

Threatening to Hang us!

WE call attention to the two following letters, as they are from men responsible in the ranks of the Secessionists, and reflect the sentiments and feelings of the great Southern mob known by this name. The Georgia letter regards us as seceding from the South, and threatens violence. This letter we give entire. The one from Mississippi comes out in the proscriptive and mobocratic spirit of this whole party in the South. We give an extract :

"BROTHER BROWNLOW:

"COVINGTON, Jan. 8, 1861.

Having been a subscriber to your once readable paper for a goodly number of years, and having through the agency of its columns formed an opinion of your character which I must in candor own was favorable, I take the privilege which my age, experience, and position in society afford me, to advise, entreat, and warn

you of your approaching danger. Among the most important things in which we have noticed your deviation from the path of rectitude is, that in this present political commotion you have dabbled more than becomes you. From all appearances, you have turned from a private and respected citizen to a contentious, quarrelsome politician,-from a Southern-Rights man to a friend of the North,-from a Union man to a Secessionist. Can these charges be true? Am I not deceived? I hope so. Yet these reports come from every quarter, and are strengthened by the tone of your paper. With you alone, my dear brother, it remains to refute them by your future conduct. These remarks are prompted by a generous heart, and the feeling that causes a friend to inform another of his errors, hoping thereby to correct them. We will close, as 'a word to the wise is sufficient.' That a speedy reformation may take place, is the wish of

"Your affectionate friend,

"GEORGE P. NICKOLS."

"CORINTH, Miss., Jan. 10, 1861.

'MR. BROWNLOW, OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: -I see, in a late issue of your dirty sheet, that you are full of braggadocio, and that you declare positively that if Tennessee, and the South generally, secede, you will still cling to that most abominable of all abominations, the Union. Now, Parson, if you adopt this policy,