Ordinance of Disunion. Mr. CALHOUN, who was an able statesman and a man of most excellent private character, resided in Anderson, and was almost an object of worship among the Nullifiers. At least, when he took snuff, they all sneezed! The Union sentiment was very strong, but Union men were in the minority. I took a firm stand in favor of the Federal Government, and whatever influence I had was thrown into the scale against this wicked attempt of South Carolina to destroy the Government. So fierce was the opposition to me in consequence of the stand I took, that in the fall of that year I published a pamphlet vindicating myself. This was thirty years ago; and it will be refreshing to my Union friends to reproduce a few paragraphs from that defence:

"It is urged against me that I have meddled in the politics of South Carolina and acted with the Union party. Nay, it has been said that I was the tool of Colonel SLOANE and Major PERRY. I plead guilty to the charge of having opposed the heresy of Nullification, but I deny having been the tool of any man, or set of men. Deeply as I have regretted the state of things existing here, and of the breaking up of the Churches, as well as the social intercourse of families and neighbors, I do not regret having taken sides in favor of the Tariff Acts complained of, of General JACKSON'S proclamation against Nullifiers, and in favor

of enforcing the laws of Congress. If the Tariff Acts complained of were unconstitutional,-which I do not allow,—they afford no plea for dissolving this Union. South Carolina's remedy is at the ballot-box of the country, or in the Supreme Court of the United States, whose judges are able and, as I believe, impartiai.

"South Carolina is looking to the formation of an independent Province, but will not be allowed any such privilege, as her leading men will infer from the proclamation of Old Hickory. I am threatened with proscription and starvation, because I have dared to assert that no law has been passed by Congress, touching the Tariff, at variance with the guarantees of the Constitution and the rights and liberties of the slaveholding States. So far as I am concerned, I ask no favors of the enemies of my Government, either in South Carolina or elsewhere. I can live without you, and live among a people who are loyal, and, having the fear of God before their eyes, they will be more likely to receive and appreciate the teachings of the gospel. That there are thousands of patriotic people in South Carolina, is true; but it is likewise true that there were more Tories here during the Revolutionary War than in all the other States put together. And that the descendants of these old Tories are now in the lead of this Nullification Rebellion, needs no proof whatever to make the charge good. I talk plainly, for one

who is in your midst and liable to be mobbed every day; but this is the way to talk in times like these. I am not to be taught my duty by a set of gassy Union-destroyers such as constitute the staple of the South Carolina chivalry. This attempt by moblaw to nullify the laws of the General Government is but the development of a well-planned scheme for the ulterior but wicked purpose of destroying our Government. It is a wild, visionary, and supremely ridiculous scheme, and will be put down, at all hazards, by General JACKSON. In fact, he has now crushed it out, and I rejoice in its overthrow, though it may starve me out and drive me from your limits. I shall fall back into Tennessee, where the people appreciate the blessings of the best Government in the world, and where the gospel is likely to produce some other effect than that of arraying the people against the legal and constituted authorities of the land.

Thus did I write and publish thirty years ago, in the teeth of the Rebellion of South Carolina! The principles I then avowed I have cherished and acted upon ever since, and will continue so to do to the end of life. I am a Southern man by birth, raising, and education, and all my interests are there; but I am not of the number of those who believe that the South can any better preserve its rights out of the Union than in it. If those rights have been invaded,-which I deny,-I

hold it to be the bounden duty of every man in the South, as well as his highest obligation, to protect them under the forms of law and the guarantees of the Constitution. These rights can never be maintained by Secession, but by a faithful observance of the Constitution and of the duties it imposes.

In October of the same year, being thirty years ago, I had a controversy with a Mr. POSEY, a Calvinistic preacher, a man of talents; and in a pamphlet printed by HIRAM BARRY, of Knoxville, on page 9, there appears the first paragraph I ever published upon the Slavery question. I herewith give it entire, and ask the reader to examine it, and compare the principles I then advocated with those I now avow :—

"When I drove Mr. POSEY to the wall, in our controversy, and convicted him of retailing all his slanders of me upon the authority of a negro slave of bad character, Bacchus, the property of his co-laborer in his dirty work, Dr. CARDES, he came out and taunted me with the false charges that Methodist preachers were the friends of negroes and opposed to slavery, and that WESLEY, their great idol, wrote and preached against slavery! Both of these specifications are false. Many of the Methodist preachers are opposed to slavery; but as many more of them own slaves and advocate the institution. I own none; but it is because of my poverty, and not because I am opposed

to owning them. I am but a young man, and I notice the controversy going on between the advocates of slavery and its opponents. The Methodists in New England, and other denominations, take the ground that slave-holding is a sin, an injustice, a barbarism. I do not believe them: I believe with the Constitution of my country, that slaves are a lawful species of property, and that those who feed and clothe them well, and instruct them in religion, are better friends to them than those who set them at liberty.

'So far as Mr. WESLEY is involved, he wrote and preached against the African kidnapping-business. I denounce that, and so do all honest men, whether they live in New England or these Middle and Western States. The American Congress has condemned it as a piracy, and slave-holding members voted to do it. I have paid some attention to this subject, young as I am, because it is one day or other to shake this Government to its very foundation. I expect to live to see that day, and not be an old man at that. The Tariff question now threatens the overthrow of the Government, but the Slavery question is one to be dreaded. While I shall advocate the owning of 'men, women, and children,' as you say our Discipline styles slaves, I shall, if I am living, when the battle comes, stand by my Government and the Union formed by our fathers, as Mr. WESLEY stood by the British Government, of which he was a loyal subject. Where will you stand,