of whose political institutions and social conditions rightly find no sympathy or existence in the United States, and may be in fact false influences and stumbling-blocks in the pathway of human freedom. But where, among the army of printed sheets which assume daily to marshal public opinion in our country, is there one to be compared with it; one that, in any considerable degree, fulfils the high office of an impartial censor of public events-whose opinions and reasons have, by a long course of uniform and high ability, acquired a secure pre-eminence, and which at the same time exercises any similar influence on the mind of Europe? Indeed, out of London or Paris, an American newspaper is almost unknown and unheard of in Europe. Go where you will, and, except an occasional copy of the Washington Union or the New-York Herald, received by an American traveller, or by our legations, you can'not find them; and the people in foreign cities who daily read the Times, which is always to be found in every leading hotel on the Continent, know nothing more of American newspapers than the mere titles which are sometimes quoted as sources of American intelligence, which is always a short outline reaching Europe through English journals, or through Galignani's Messenger, where it occupies often not half of the same space as is allowed to the news of the intestine troubles of any comparatively insignificant state in Europe. While, on the other hand, with ourselves, the arrival of the ocean steamer is the signal for an avalanche of European news, descending upon the people and spreading over the land in masses, without comment or selection: the few grains of wheat are mixed in bushels of chaff about the ever-changing and gambling intrigues for place and power inContinental cabinets, private details, and petty scandal of foreign courts, which really seem more interesting to republicans than to their own subjects; and all manner of the most copious and useless information about the career and performances of famous dancers, singers, et id genus omne, all of which eagerly-sought intelligence is no doubt greatly material to the welfare of our institutions in general, and of each of our citizens in particular; and is, at least on our part, a well-meant tribute of thanks for that contented ignorance of our affairs which reigns through Europe. There is one custom somewhat peculiar to our people-pleasant enough in its way, but really singular in the character of a truly great nation, conscious of the rectitude of its principles, and its solid claims to a position of high respect among the great powers of the world. It is the oft-remarked habit of self-glorification. Some may deny the truth of this position; but the best evidence of its actual existence, is the tone of exclusive laudation of everything American which pervades our newspaper press, the nervous indignation with which they repel the smallest censure, well or ill founded, from abroad, particularly if it come from our ancient friends and relatives of England; and as the natural result of this peculiar sentiment, nothing is more common, and perhaps more popular, than complacent predictions of the rapid spread of republican principles over all the monarchies of Europe. Such predictions never reach an European audience; and, if they are ever fulfilled, it will not occur by the influence of our press, but by a well-grounded admiration of the institutions and measures of a great and wisely-ordered republic. Governments are made to conform to the genius and needs of the people governed, not the people for the governments; and it may long remain a grave question, whether the masses of society in France or any other country of Europe, are really yet prepared for a popular govern ment. This habit of self-laudation may or may not be the excess of a noble sentiment-Patriotism, driven to extremes; but it is certainly not a little unbecoming to see a really great and powerful nation like ourselves habitually admiring its own proportions, and united in chaunting its own praises. In no country are there so many newspapers, and consequently so universal a habit of journal-reading, as in our own. The proportion in number to that of any other free country is well known to be vastly greater. With us they spread over and cover the whole land; and the habit of newspaper-reading is so well cultivated, that it has become an indispensable element of our social existence. The village editor commences his labors for the diffusion of knowledge among the seniors contemporaneously with the settlement, and the arrival of the schoolmaster to enlighten the juveniles. The press with us sees everything, hears everything, good and evil, public and private, and reports it at all times and all places; the disseminator of all varieties of information, the great chartered newsmonger of our community. Every sect and party of our people counts eventually upon its newspaper as the chiefest of its auxiliaries to influence. Everybody buys and reads the newspaper; and, as the venders must gratify all tastes to make their profits, every event, small and great, is daily chronicled. Morbid curiosity is gratified by the details of crime, usually with increased minuteness in proportion to the degrees of atrocity, while the irresponsible letter-writer is always welcome to the columns when he can successfully invade the sanctities of private life. With all this mass of information, about things good and evil, which is daily collected and poured forth by the extraordinary activity of our newspaper press, forming by necessity the only intellectual aliment of a large portion of our community, how many in the community have the leisure or inclination to digest their intelligence, and form any solid reflection therefrom? Generally, the newspaper is sought for very economy, as at a cheap rate you thus obtain both the intelligence and the opinion thereon ready made. But where is the public sentiment upon any grave question which touches the commonwealth to be found? Are we to be answered that it is at our doors in the newspapers-then every editor is its self-constituted mouth-piece; and we may be allowed to imagine that a search for the real opinion of the people of the United States, among these conflicting oracles, would likely prove as satisfactory as the famous quest for the ten tribes of Israel. But it may then be said that the public sentiment is evinced by the results of our elections. This might be true, if we could believe that candidates were always fairly nominated; were, in all cases, truly representatives of their constituency, and that elections were in all cases fairly conducted. But, even supposing all these conditions uniformly to exist, is everything tested by the ballot? Out of the multitude of subjects upon which the formation of an opinion is momentous to the public weal, how many can be made the subject of an issue at the polls? I conceive the depository of the real public opinion to be in that large portion of every free and intelligent community, who are in the habit of constantly applying the maxims of common sense to the formation of their opinion on public affairs; who, therefore, never blindly follow the lead of party or its advocates; who either have no occasion or disposition to make their livelihood at politics who act on the principle that independent private judgment is the right and duty of every citizen, and whose votes are not the property of any party. Their judgments, sometimes may be wrong, but certainly have the fairest opportunity of being right; and without this class of men, who are stigmatized and called mere neutrals, only by heated partizans, there could be no such thing with us as government at all; no one course of measures or of public policy could be pursued; everything would be loose and afloat on the waves of transient sects and parties. It is very true, that the later administrations of one government have conceived it their policy to destroy the works of their predecessors; to build up systems which are sure to be taken down again by their successors; and the experience merely of four years, often the infancy of an experiment, seems thought a sufficient test of its value, thus giving some evidence of the truth of the predictions of monarchists, that our institutions secure little strength to the government, and that their rapid changes progress steadily to dissolution. Although practical politics cannot exist without different opinions or parties, and a free and enlightened government without politics; yet does any one believe that the views of partisans in struggling for place and power, are to be deemed the real voice of the people? A very large proportion with us never believed it, and have long since taken and steadily exercised the right of private judgment, very often submitting to party excommunication therefor; not wishing or needing office or temporary applause, vote and otherwise express their political opinions without regard to the creeds and edicts of sects and parties; but supporting or opposing the government only as they are convinced of the rights or justice of its measures. Such men are rarely in public place, these are conferred as party rewards; but both parties appeal to them for votes; and when any real exigency occurs, none are more ready to supply the needs of the government to the extent of their abilities. Of course this class of men are found in all divisions of the community, and their influence is recognized at all times. A proof of their actual and habitual influence, although much threatened by party, may be found in the earlier or recent Conventions, whose Constitutional changes in the state of New-York were ratified by the almost unanimous voice of the people of that state. These assuredly were the fruit of the exercised common sense of some of the best minds and hearts of the community; of that true public opinion above and beyond all parties of which I have spoken. They alone would prove its existence; and while they also evince its purity and wisdom, show that it is really the supreme power of the government in our country. And yet this large and powerful class of our fellow citizens is, with some few though excellent exceptions, without a newspaper, whilst the smallest faction is abundantly provided. The fact is extraordinary, that in this land of free opinion, almost every chartered exponent is but the organ of a party, and that such a thing as an impartial journal is almost denied existence. Does any one really believe that it were impossible to be successfully maintained? Does every man then in the United States really think and act according to party creeds, or do those creeds always contain the truth on political subjects? And must we then consider the government of the country to be the composite of the various opinions enunciated by partisans of all shades and sects? Were such things true, government would cease to be government, and become but the occasional suspensions of anarchy. There is surely no country in the world of the wide-spread and strong intelligence of our own, where such a newspaper, if properly conducted, would find so large an audience, already prepared, by a settled distaste to the sectional character of the existing press to read and support its opinions. But mere impracticable neutrality-mere theory, would not suffice. Its spirit should only be practical reason applied to public affairs; the judgment of a strong mind, polished by study and enlightened by intercourse with its fellows, should be exhibited in its leaders; and while uniting the essentials of the earliest and most accurate intelligence of value, derived and digested from authoritative sources, should lift itself up above the parties of the hour, and appeal to the great majority of the people for its approval and support. It would then be really the Times newspaper of America; while, by the simple majesty of free judgment, its influence would be felt both among the parties and in all classes at home;-it would go abroad, as the only reliable exponent of the state of things in our country to Europe. Such a newspaper might be started by individual effort; what is needed only is a conviction of the value of a newspaper of such a character among the business community of the United States. They hold the wealth, and their practical decisions must more or less control parties. Cannot such a newspaper, whose ability and value may fairly be compared with the English Times, be commenced and supported in some of our large cities? What is wanted is an immediate sense of its need; and the necessary combination of the men, the means and the ability, can be readily formed, the enterprise well started, and by an approving community well sustained. Newspapers of such a stamp would be a new era with us, while they would drive off from popular attention the demoralized portions of the press; they would correct the errors of parties, elevate the tone of political sentiment and discussion, and take and sustain the first place in the esteem and confidence of the great majority of the people. R. D. OPPRESSION. To work as long as life shall last- In life-long drudgery to waste,- The book of life, or guilt impute. Major. But I can transfer it to you, to avenge me. This was, at first my intention. He should not have seen me again, and should have received his pay from your hands. I know, you could have thrown him a handful of gold in a tolerably contemptuous manner. Jocelyn. So? A most excellent revenge! Major. But even this we must defer. I have not a farthing of ready money; I know not where to obtain any. Jocelyn. No ready money? And what then is the purse of five hundred thalers in louis d'ors which the landlord found in the writing-desk? Major. That is money which was given me to keep. Jocelyn. Still not the hundred pistoles which your brought to you, some four or five weeks since? Major. The same, by Paul Werner. Why not? former sergeant Jocelyn. But have not used this yet? You can do what you with this. Upon my word Major. Truly? you will Jocelyn. Werner heard from me, how your claims upon the wartreasury had been put off. He heard— Major. That I should surely come to beggary, if I had not already.I am much obliged to you, Jocelyn.-And this information induced Werner to share his mite with me.-However, I am glad I have found it out. Listen, Jocelyn; make out your bill immediately; we must separate. Jocelyn. How? What? Major. Not a word more; some one is coming. SCENE V.-A LADY in Mourning. MAJOR VON TELLHEIM. JOCELYN. Lady. I ask pardon, sir !— Major. Whom do you seek, Madame? Lady. Even the worthy man, whom I have the honor of addressing. You do not recollect me? I am the widow of your late captain. Major. For Heaven's sake, kind lady! What a change! Lady. I have just arisen from the sick bed, upon which grief for the loss of my husband had thrown me. I was compelled to trouble you thus early, Herr Major; I am going into the country, where a generous, but also unfortunate friend has, from the first, offered me shelter. Major (to Jocelyn.) Go, leave us alone. SCENE VI.-THE LADY. MAJOR VON Tellheim. Major. Speak freely, worthy lady! Before me you need not be ashamed of your misfortunes. Wherein can I serve you? VOL. XXIV.-NO. CXXIX. 3 |