the lines of packets between New York and London, and between New York and Liverpool. He traded also with India and China, and was also owner of whalers which went to the South Seas. Like most others of the high-class merchants trading to foreign countries, he was neither concerned in the inland trade of the United States nor the coasting trade. Having furnished evidence as to the progress of American tonnage, he stated that the New York packets, which were universally acknowledged to be the best description of ships built in the United States, having all of them a portion of live oak in them, cost, exclusively of their cabins, about $70 per ton, equal to about 147. 10s. per ton, sterling. In this estimate it must be remarked that the American tonnage differs from our own.1 about The American classification of ships also differs Details from that at Lloyd's. There the rating depends on American the age, the material, its quality, together with the ships. quantity of the fastenings, whether copper or iron, and the mode of workmanship. The oak used in New York comes principally from Virginia, the 1 In the United States the old English measurement is still adhered to, and the poops of ships are not measured, which accounts for much of the difference observable in the measurement of British and American ships. For example, the Henry Clay, of 1207 tons American measurement, where the poop was not included, measured 1467 tons by the new English mode, on which light, dock, and other dues are charged. The ship Queen of the West, 1106 tons American, measured for light dues in Liverpool, 1270 tons English. The effect of this would be that the calculation of $70 per ton would be diminished in a corresponding ratio if taken in English tonnage, and with the poops included. The estimate of $70 per ton, that is, American measurement, applies to the cost of a ship with her spars and sails, rigging, and everything complete ready to receive a cargo, but without her sea stores. : live oak entirely from Florida; and the sheathingcopper and iron are those supplied from England, iron from other countries then paid a duty of 30 per cent. sheathing-copper was free of duty, but cake or pig-copper, from which bolts are manufactured in America, paid 5 per cent. Sails were, till recently, brought from England, Holland, and Russia; but hemp-canvas was then being made in America. Cotton sail-cloth had for a long time been used to a considerable extent. Shipwrights' wages in the United States were then $2 a day, about 10s. 6d. sterling. In New York, these artificers work only ten hours per day on new work, and nine hours on old work; but repairs of ships were more expensive in England than in the United States. In the equipment, as we have seen, of American ships, great attention was paid to lessening manual labour by capstans, winches, and other contrivances; and as they were much more lightly rigged in proportion to their tonnage, they were sailed with fewer men; the average number being about two and a half sailors to every 100 tons in a packet ship ranging from 900 to 1200 tons; but in a common American freighting ship, where despatch was of less importance, the proportion is even smaller. For instance, the Henry Clay, already mentioned, 1207 tons, American, and 1467 tons, English, had thirty seamen, two boys, and a carpenter, besides the captain, four mates, cook, and steward: 40 all told. With regard to the payment of the American captains, it is not the practice to pay them by time, but by some advantage in the voyage. In foreign freighting voyages the captains depend chiefly on the primage, which is 5 per cent. upon the amount of the freight. That is usually their chief source of emolument; but they, generally, receive also $30 a month wages. This, of course, gives them an interest in prosecuting the voyage successfully, and in stimulating their men to exertion; but, with great good taste, Mr. Minturn excused himself from making a comparison between American and other ships; he strenuously, however, denied that any national feeling influenced the merchants in the least degree with respect to the freighting their goods from England in American bottoms. city trea they affect cans. With regard to the effect on America of the reci- Reciproprocity treaties to which I have already alluded, ties and which came into operation shortly prior to 1830, it would appear that though the Government of the United States proposed to all foreign nations that, if they would open their ports to American shipping, they might enjoy all the benefits of their foreign so far as trade, the shipowners were distrustful of the opera- Amerition of this Free-trade system, as it was chiefly embraced by the States of the north of Europe, which had no commerce to offer in return. Hence efforts were continually made to rescind these treaties; but the experience of their operation has been that the American commerce has increased in a much greater ratio since that period than it had done before. The reciprocity treaties have not, indeed, promoted the growth of American tonnage; but, on the other hand, they have not retarded it; and if the shipowners in the United States do not avow their error, at all events their opposition has now ceased. Mr. Minturn was far from acknowledging that the Ame ricans had gained by these treaties; indeed, he gave a positive opinion that they had nothing to do with the increase of United States shipping. No new markets had been opened, but commerce with all the world had increased, and probably nowhere so much as with England. The chief extension of the commerce of the United States with South America was with the Brazils, which was enhanced owing to the consumption of coffee, the duty on which had been taken off, the result being that the American consumption had doubled within ten years. The temperance system adopted on board the American vessels had resulted in the greatest possible advantage, both in the efficiency and discipline of the crews; and, with these, in the increased safety of the ship and consequent diminution in the rates of insurance. Indeed, Mr. Minturn stated that American underwriters attached so much importance to it, that at the commencement of this reform they encouraged it by offering to return 10 per cent. on the premium, on all vessels that performed a voyage without the use of ardent spirits. Such are a few of the leading points of evidence furnished to the Lords' Committee, who adjourned sine die on the 6th July, 1848. CHAPTER VIII. Motion of Mr. Herries, 1848-Protectionist principles stated-Extent of shipping trade-National defences endangered-Mr Labouchere's reply-Alderman Thompson-Mr. Gladstone's views-Mr. Hudson -Lord George Bentinck-Mr. Hume—Mr. Cobden-Mr. Disraeli— Sir Robert Peel-The resolution carried by 117, but abandoned for a time-Temper of the Shipowners-Efforts of Ministers to obtain reciprocity by a circular from the Foreign Office-Reply thereto of America-Mr. Buchanan's letter-Reply of other Powers-Progress of Free-trade views - Parliament of 1849- Death of Lord George Bentinck, September 21, 1848-Mr. Labouchere's new resolution, February 14, 1849-Proposed change in coasting trade-Mr. Bancroft recalcitrates-Hence, withdrawal of the coasting clauses--The debate -Alderman Thompson, &c.-Mr. Ricardo-Meeting of Shipowners' Society-Their report-The manning-clause grievance-Policy proposed-Agitation in the country. ALTHOUGH the shipowners appear to have placed much confidence in the House of Lords, they saw that unless they could convince the Commons that the repeal of the Navigation Laws would be prejudicial to the interests of England, they would have no hope of maintaining the status quo: and, further, that no modification would satisfy the demands of the Free-traders, who, strong in their principles, consequently repudiated all compromise with Protectionists. One of the most earnest leaders of the latter class |