and the minds of the people here are much agitater and as the continuation of the unhappy dispute between the Parliament and the Colonies must not only affect your and our interest but the general interest and happiness of both countries, we think it our duty to apply to you again, and earnestly request you would use your best endeavours with those in the Administration, to restore tranquillity, and reestablish the Colonies in the enjoyment of their ancient rights and privileges. We are very sensible that the prosperity of the Colonies depends upon their union and connexion with Great Britain. In this sentiment all the Americans concur, yet they cannot bring themselves to think, that for this reason they ought to be divested of liberty and property. Yet this must be the case, if the Parliament can make laws to bind the Colonies in all cases whatever-can levy taxes upon them without their consent, dispose of the revenues thus raised without their consent, multiply officers at pleasure, and assign them fees to be paid without, nay contrary to and in direct violation of Acts of Assembly regularly passed by the Colonies and approved by the crown-can enlarge the power of admiralty courts, divert the usual channels of justice, deprive the Colonists of trials by jury of their own countrymen, in short break down the barriers which their forefathers have erected against arbitrary power, and enforce their edicts by fleets and armies. To such a system of government the Americans cannot tamely submit ; not from an impatience of subordination, a spirit of independence, or want of loyalty to their King; for in a quiet submission to just government, in zeal, affection, and attachment to their King, the people of the Colonies dare to vie with any of the best of their fellow-subjects; but

from an innate love of liberty and the British constitution.

"In our last we intimated our fears that the Ministry were greatly abused, and the people of America grossly misrepresented, by some who did not wish well either to Great Britain or the Colonies. The letters of one of our American Governours (Bernard) and the memorials of a board lately erected among us, not to mention other documents laid before the publick, evince that our fears were but too well grounded. From these it is apparent, that every sly art has been used to incense the Ministry against the Colonies; every argument that malice could invent has been urged to induce them to overturn the ancient foundation of liberty. Nay, to compass their base ends, they have declared in express terms, and taken uncommon pains to make the Ministry believe, that "there has been a long concerted and extensive plan of resistance to the authority of Great Britain in all the Provinces, and that a seizure made at Boston had hastened the people there to the commission of actual violence sooner than was intended."

"In justice to the Province where we reside, and indeed to all America, we beg leave to assure you, that such representations are without any just foundation, and that nothing can be a greater deviation from truth. Though at the same time we confess, that the ends accomplished by these and such like infamous slanders and vile arts, have given a general alarm, and caused a universal uneasiness in the minds of the Americans. They now see a rod of power held over their heads; they begin to feel the severities of a Court, that by its late enlarged jurisdiction is empowered to break in upon the proceedings of the

common law courts; and they have anxious fears for the existence of their Assemblies, which they consider as their last and only bulwark against arbitrary power. For if, say they, laws can be made, money levied, government supported, and justice administered without the intervention of Assemblies, of what use can they be? They are no essential member of the constitution. And being useless and unessential, is there not reason to fear they will quickly become disagreeable and then be wholly laid aside.? And when that happens, what security have we for freedom, or what remains for the Colonists but the most abject slavery?

"These are not the reasonings of politicians, but the sentiments and the language of the people in general. For with great truth we may say, in no country is the love of liberty more deeply rooted, or the knowledge of the rights inherent to freemen more generally diffused, and the principles of freedom and government better understood than among the British American Colonies.

"For this reason we think ourselves obliged to inform you, that though the merchants have confined their agreements to the repeal of the Act laying a duty on tea, paper, glass, &c. yet nothing less than a repeal of all the revenue Acts, and putting things on the same footing they were before the late innovations, can or will satisfy the minds of the people. The fleets and armies may overawe our towns; admiralty courts and boards of commissions, with their swarms of underlings, may by a rigorous execution of severe unconstitutional Acts, ruin our commerce, and render America of little use to the people of Britain; but while every farmer is a freeholder, the spirit of liberty will prevail, and every attempt to divest

them of the privileges of freemen, must be attended with consequences injurious to the Colonies and the Mother Country.

"In a matter of so great importance you will excuse this freedom. We consider the merchants here and in England, as the links of the chain that binds both countries together. They are deeply concerned in preserving the union and connexion.-Whatever tends to alienate the affections of the Colonists, or to make them averse to the customs, fashions, and manufactures of Britain hurts their interest. While some therefore, from ambitious views and sinister motives, are labouring to widen the breach, we whose private interest is happily connected with the union, or which is the same, with the peace and prosperity of both countries, may be allowed to plead for an end to these unhappy disputes; and that by a repeal of the offensive Acts, the cause of jealousy and uneasiness may be removed, tranquillity restored, harmony and mutual affection reestablished, and trade return to its usual channel."

CHAPTER VI.

State of affairs in England-Ineffectual opposition of the friends of America to the Ministry-Lord North succeeds the Duke of Grafton as first Lord of the Treasury-His motion for the partial repeal of the Port Duties-Debates thereon-Riot at Boston between the Soldiers and Ropemakers-Several of the people killed by the Soldiers-Mr. Hutchinson refuses to remove the troops from Boston-Funeral pomp at the burial of those killed-Liberty Poles erected in New York-Assembly of Massachusetts convened at Cambridge—Their remonstrance on account of it-Trial of Captain Preston and his Soldiers-Honourable conduct of Mr. Adams and Mr. Quincy Mr. Hutchinson made Governour and Captain General-affair of the Gaspee at Rhode Island Instructions of the town of Petersham to their constituents-General feeling of the people on the first measures of Lord North's Administration.

WE shall now be obliged for a few moments, to turn our attention to affairs in England. The Parliament met on the 9th of January 1770. The Earl of Chatham, who had been so long detained from publick duties by ill health, whose mind had suffered almost as much as his body, and who had been long looked upon as dead to the world, now made his appearancehis health unexpectedly restored, and his intellectual faculties completely renovated. On the usual motion for an address to the Throne, this illustrious Statesman arose, and after declaring that nothing but the present alarming state of the nation, could have brought him from his retirement bowing as he was under the weight of infirmities, he lamented in his usual energetick manner, those unhappy measures which had alienated the Colonies from the Mother Country, and which had driven them into excesses he VOL. I. 18