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THURSDAY, APRIL 26th.

The question on the motion to repeal the rule was called for after some little conversation. Mr. Clark moved that it might be postponed, which was agreed to.

Nothing further was done in this business till Wednesday, May the second, when Mr. Madison left New York for the Convention to be held in Philadelphia.

It was considered, on the whole, that the project for shutting the Mississippi was at an end—a point deemed of great importance in reference to the approaching Convention for introducing a change in the Federal Government, and to the objection to an increase of its powers, foreseen from the jealousy which had been excited by that project.13

LETTERS

OF

JAMES MADISON,

SUBSEQUENT TO THE DEBATES OF 1787.

LETTERS

TO NOVEMBER 2, 1788,

SUBSEQUENT TO THE DEBATES OF 1787.

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

New York, February 15, 1787. Dear Sir,

Having but recently got here, I had not time to add a few private lines as I wished, to our public letter. We have as yet no definitive information from Massachusetts touching the operations of General Lincoln. Little doubt, however, is entertained that the insurrection will be effectually quelled. The Legislature of that State seem to have taken great spirit from the prospect. They have come at length to the resolution of declaring the existence of a rebellion, and, it is said, mean to disarm and disfranchise all who have been engaged in it. We have no information from any other quarter, and I have not been here long enough to collect any just idea of the general politics.

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

New York, February 18, 1787. Dear Sir,

Congress have received no late intelligence either from Mr. Jefferson or Mr. Adams. Nor have any interesting measures yet taken place since they have been assembled in force. Those in expectation re

late to,-first, the Mississippi. On this subject I have no information to give, not a word having passed concerning it since my arrival. Secondly, the treaty of peace. This subject is now depending in the form of a Report from Mr. Jay. I find what I was not before apprized of, that infractions on the part of the United States preceded even the violation on the other side, in the instance of the negroes. If Congress should be able to agree on any measures for carrying the treaty into execution, it seems probable that the fundamental one will be a summons of the States to remove all legal impediments which stand at present in the way. There seems to be no reason to believe that Great Britain will comply on any other conditions than those signified in the communication of Lord Carmarthen to Mr. Adams. Thirdly, the proposed Convention in May. A great disagreement of opinion exists as to the expediency of a recommendation from Congress to the backward States in favor of the meeting. In would seem as if some of the States disliked it because it is an extra-constitutional measure, and that their dislike would be removed or lessened by a sanction from Congress to it. On the other hand it is suggested, that some would dislike it the more if Congress should appear to interest themselves in it. I observe in a late newspaper, that instructions are to be brought forward in the Legislature here to the Delegates in Congress, to propose and urge their interposition in favor of the Convention.

What the sense of the State is on the merit of the project, is not perfectly clear. A refusal a few days ago, by a large majority, to grant the impost, does

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