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restraint promulgated desire that the public may not be among all ranks of society, expe. alarmed at the want of restraint on rience has proved the maxim 10 the press, for that truth and virtue be false. Calling history to his will always preponderate. The aid, he thus argues :
following observations on this head • The republics of ancient are just and forcible : Grecce were undoubtedly free; • Let parents and cutors answer many carried - freedom to excess; for the youth under their care ; yet the art of printing being then let us, if possible, rise above our unknown, the communication of own vices, and answer for our. knowledge was necessarily confined selves. Have we not experienced, to a few. Books were scarce and ex. that the exhortation of the divine, cessively dear, therefore beyond the the lecture of the moralist, though reach of the multitude : and in mat- aided by the dictates of our own ters of religion, the inost jealous and conscience,, form but an insofa. cruel inquisition was, exercised over cient barrier against the suggestions wsiters and icachers. The Swiss of passion, and the corruprion Cantons acquired their freedom at which artful sophistry; Aattering a period, when probably not one inclinations which we are secretly in a thousand could read or write ; ashamed of, pours into the heart they have continued to preserve it in the declining age of Greece and for centuries :(many of the Cantçns Rome, did the doctrines of Zeno in the foran of a pure democracy), or Epicurus make the greater num. without the aid of newspapers and ber of prosely des? In both nations political pamphlets, which their there was no want.. of men, who poverty. banisiis much more ef. by their writings; even by the exfcctually than any law could do. amples of their lives and actions, In our own couniry, almost in our endeavoured to uphold the cause own rimeszi , freedom triumphud, of virtue ; yet they scarcely. re over monarchical prerogwire, buth tarded, they did not prevent, the in ghe xx* et Charles I. mid James rapid progress of vice, which por. Il. Yet from the foriner to the sued iis triumphant course, until it Jarrer period, the communication expired in the ruins of a corrupted of political knowledge was much people.' confined by the disinclination or Having combated the opinions inability of the people to read. It of others respecting the licentious. is said, that now corruption and ness of the press, he ehus delivers mismanagement are in the ex.
his own : treine, and we are directed doise « The licentiousness of the press, store the constitucion so 'in: foriner" :such as is now permitted, is in. purity; a good one, therefore, compatible with national prospecould subsise without this genxerai yriry; it requires to be regulated ;, diffusion of political knowledge bui to-ascurtain the line which se. which, if it has not produced, aticIparätes excess of liberty from im. Jease has not prevented the prograssx proper restraint, and to derermine of corruption.! :
where the powet of enforcing the He chce goesqn: tô animadvort ?lawis should be placed; is a' task on the adnice given by those who, which wequires, if ic does not ex.' ceed, the greatest abilities. Thus tend, in his opinion; to sopport much, however, may be established that natural noblesse;" without as certain ; it is better that many which all legal institutions would things should be concealed which soon be abolished, or become nu. might be communicated, than that gatory ; more members of opulent even a few should be communi. families would marry, and fewer cated which ought to be withheld. families would become extina.": It is absolutely necessary to take . He then proceeds to shew that every precaution against this dan. the accumulation of landed pro. gerous class of men. The elo. perty might arrive at a most?per quence of a writer is as powerful nicious excess, without the opera. as that of an orator, is more exten- tion of the law of primogeniture, sive in its effects, and full as likely. To abolish this law (says "hej to be made an engine to intro. would not therefore ensure the duce despotism into the bosom of removal of the evil, while he most liberty.'
preponderating genius could not The 5th chapter of this work pretend to foresee the probable treats of luxury; by which term consequences of a sudden and the author means that excessive violent abrogation of a custom that appetite for enjoyment of any kind, has grown with our growth, and mental or corporeal, active or pas. strengthened with our strength, sive, which leads a man to neglect and actually pervades, like a vitat his duties, and to injure himself principle, the whole system of our or others, in order to obtain the jurisprudence, legislation, and man. object of his desire. Mr. M. unc. ners.” quivocally denies that.luxury, which In chapter VII. Mr. M. enters is a vice in those who are addicted to at large into the discussion of the it, is productive of good to others; much agitated question, which and-hear it, ye financiers, who ought most to be encouraged, look to luxury for the chief source « great or small farms?" and on of revenue ; hear it, ye manufac- this subje&t he displays much know. turers, who are engaged in those ledge and ability ; but we cannot branches by which luxury is fed, pretend to give a summary of his and the kingdom, it is said, is different arguments, 'theit matter enriched !-he maintains that 'n branching out into a great variety national advantage whatever can of collateral considerations, i such justly be ascribed to luxury.” as poor's rates, new enclosures, &c.
Chapter VI. contains a disserta. In the agitation of this important rion on the law of Primogeniture ; question, he has principally in his a which Mr. M. seems to consider as eye Mr. Arthur Young's System of unjust, but which he would not Agriculture, which he in many venture to abolish, because he instances strongly condemns... b thinks the abolition would be at. Chapter Viiltréacs of the Game
VIII. tended with some collateral in. laws. However they might havc jurious circumstances, more than been originally, introduced, Mr. counterbalancing the good that M. is of opinion that in some might be expected from it. An. countries in Europe they are opequal right of inheritance would pressive, and perhaps absurd in :
England: but he does not allow, infinitely greater distance than with with modern reformers,' that every ir, between the rich and the poor ; one should have a right to kill he insists that population is increased game wherever he can find it... by an institution which contributes
After all, Mr. M. recommends a to render marriages more frequent material alteration in the whole in the higher classes of society', be.
system of game laws, and thinks it cause, wherever birth, without * would be better for the public that any other recommendation, is a game should be made private pro. passport into society, celibacy will perty.
he less frequent; that it checks the From game the apchor proceeds rage of appearance, the vanity of
the consideration of the titheshew, and removes one great te.pt. laws. He pronounces the opinion ation to expence, the chief cause to be iil-founded, which states of venality ; that i: brings forwards cithes to be a heavy burchin to public life that description of
on the farmer; whose situation men by whom the nation has the would, according to him, be pre. best chance of being served; ttiat cisely the same, whether a tenih, it renders manners more 'amiable a Glih, or a twentieth of the pro. and sociable ; and finally, that alduce of the land were levied for the most all the objections which are support of the clergy: He con urged against the institution of norends that this tax falls solely on hility, may be equally if not more the landlord, who is obliged to let justly urged against wealth; the his land proportionably lower on abolition of which would convulse account of the tithes.--He, low. and destroy society
ever, admirs the tax to be impoli. *** The discussion of this subject, tić, for this plain reason, that it is together with that of the fután of
a continually varying one, on the government, is carried on through produce of skill and Jalour, and the first five chapters of the sec nid
on the uncertain bounty of nature ; hook, and branches out into a very and curt-cquently that it is always long, interesting, and ingenious galling and nexurious.
dissertation respecting a standing Chapter I. of Book H. opans army; for which Mr. M. is a site. with the important questions, whe. inuous advocate. He does not ar. ther there ought to be allowed, in a gue for a standing army as a m.ro state, a distinction of orders among machine of government, calculated its citizens ; and which form of go. to enable the crown to' enforce vernment is preferable, a monar. measures dangerous to or incom. chical or 'n republican. For his patible with a free constitution; arguments on ihese topics we must hut, for a standing army modelled refer to the chapter itself
, which on principles that would make it a contains much sound sense, and guardian and firm support of the able reasoning. We shall content constitutional liberty of the subjekt; Ourselves with stating, that he is a body so organized and officered decidedly for the cxistence of a 'as that, though the crown might body of nobility; vithout which, at all times look for its co-operahe maintains; there would be an tion in all constitutional pursuits,
would be the last part of the elective, and, to whac in a monarmmunity from which the go. chy, the prince, in a republic, the rnment would dare to ask for ør senate, should nominate, pećt assistance, when the service -The question of suffrage natü.
which it was to be employed rally leads to that of representa; ould be attended with injury ortion. The author gives an historical
en danger to the liberty of the account of the manner in which it untry.
was introduced into our constituMr. Michell suggests several im. tion, and then observes that th ovements respecting, the age at jdea of it became at last so cherished
hich gentlemen shoud be allowed by the people, that representation o sic in parliament. Aç 21 he was, with them a synonimous germ hinks a man cannot be properly for liberty; so that those who jualified for the important duties were not represented were consi. of a legislator ; and therefore he is dered as not free. Mr. M. insists
. , . of opinion that he ought not to be that this opinion is founded in eligible by law for a seat in the error; or that it must be admitted legislacure, before he has attained that women, minors, and foreignthe age of 30 years.
ers, residing among us are slaves; In chapter VI. Mr. M. speaks of for they are not represented by any the qualification of electors; and, one deputed by them to appear and instead of extending the right of act for them.
09 Srbi! 512 suffrage to every male of the age He concludes the chapter with of 21, he contends most strenu. some very handsome, compliments ously for withholding it from all 10 the British House of Commons; shose who possess noc, fixed pro. from which, he says, constituted perty, but who are altogether de. as it always bas been the nation pendent for their subsistence on the has derived great happiness, wealis, wages of their daily labous; and and glory. he maintaios that, , without this The V11th chapter treats of a sestri&tion, it is impossible that the monarchical and, a republican form constitution should be secure, of government, and gives to the
Mr. M, would disfranchise only former a decided.preference.. dyw. the populace, and would commu. In chap:er, Vll, he, trgats, of the picate the right of voring co all nature and extrot of power that above that ciass, with the double ought to be trusted to the king. view of preventing an aristocratic He remarks that, if a squareign tyranny, and spreading as widely does not possess sufficient legal is possible ao interest in the public poser so enfarce, a vigorous, and welfare. To mark the line of effectin: gavugoment, we must obdiscrimination is the business (says in it, through influence or ap. he), of a legislator occupied in archy will ensue.
2010-037 fraining a particular, constitution, en in chapter IX. He, investigates and must be adapod 10 ihe.manners, the origin, progressound decay of
) of each particular p ople. It belongs absolute power in France band to him also to ascertain what are this discussion leads him to search she offices which may be rendered for the foundation of British free
dom, and the causes of the real might have been thought that no. danger that threatens our constitu. thing new could be said on them. tion.
It has been a favourite measure In the beginning of the Xth and with reformers, to counteract the = last chapter, our author is impar. venality of rotten boroughs, either rial enough to acknowledge that, by admitting the inhabitants of though the British constitution be the neighbouring hundreds to a in its nature calculated to preserve right of voting equally with the the fabric of liberty in this coun. burgesses, or persons holding by try, it does not follow that any burgage tenure, or by entirely dis
other state would to a certainty act franchising those boroughs, and : wisely in adopting it. “The bless. granting to populous towns the
ing of freedom, she says), depends right not now enjoyed by them, chiefly on the manners of a people; of sending members to parliament. is existence therefore is compatible Neither of these remedies would, with almost every form of govern. in his opinion, remove the evil; ment; and perhaps it will be for the venality, taking its rise found that every community, far from the corrupt manners of the advanced in civilization, or long people, cannot be remedied by a established, contains within itself transfer of the franchise from one sach remnants of past, or such set of electors to another, as both secds of future freedom, in cus. would most certainly act in the : tongs and prejudices, which have same manner.' The expences at. crept in by degrees, that an en. tending elections, he says, are lightened patriotic legislator will such, that gentlemen of moderate always adopt the maxim of Taci. landed property are almost excluded tussebe secret of fitting up a new
from the House of Commons; and state consists in retaining the image such land owners as do take seats of the old.' Observing, next, that it it are possessed of esrates so the British parliament is the only very large, as to be candidates for . Saate that ever was able to re. a pesrage, and therefore are more
strain the power of kings, without open to corruprion than men of sanililating monarchy, and to moderate incomes. The number : effect this restraint without ty. of merchants admired into the "mult or violence, he says, it is House of Commons he also con. worth while to discover, if possible, siders as highly dangerous to the that in reality are those peculiari constitution; assuming is as a ries in its consruction, to which wc maxim, that they attend more to ought to ascribe its peculiar excel. their private interest than to the lencies. This investigation forms public weal. He also objects, in the principal subject of the Xth the following terms, to the admis. chapier, which iouches on too siun, of a great number of lawyers
, great a variety of obj. cts to be into the house. pascicularized by us.
• Lawyers must be bad legisla. marks, towever, made by Mr. M. tors, unless to professional skill they we cannot sefrain from inserting join a mass of general knowledge. here, as containing new ideas on This cannot be expected in men subjects already so trite, that it whose time, from their youth up