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all the secrets of state; if this man knows of an intrigue of such a nature as he states; let him dis. cover it; let him make it known to the directory: it is important enough; it has, no doubt, sufficient interest for the public welfare. The march of our armies -for him who can bring it to light, not to dispense himself from denouncing it to those whom it is destined to lead into error. But the silence of that-man, his silence, which will be his condemnation, will open the eyes of the public respecting the confidence they ought forthwith to give to his insi. nuations. You possess, citizen general, the confidence of the directory; the services you render every day entitle you to it; the considerable sums which the republic owes to your victories, proves that you at once occupy yourself with the glory and the interest of your country; all the good citizens agree on this point: you will not find it difficult to consign the boasts and calumnies of the rest to the contempt they from them. selves merit, and still more from the spirit that dictates them.

(Signed) REVELLIERE LEPEAUX, president. LAGARDE, secretary general. The Ambassador of Sweden to the Ci tizen Minister of Foreign Affairs. Paris, August 2, 1796.

CITIZEN MINISTER, IT is by the express order of my court that I have the honour to renew, before the directory, the steps 1 had already taken for the admission of M. de Rehausen, in the quality of chargé d'affaires of his majesty with the French republic.

Inviting you, citizen minister,

to take again into consideration a step so conformable to the good intelligence which subsists between the two countries, I beg you will permit me to make some observations which I submit to the di rectory.

The confidence which friendly and allied powers reciprocally owe each other, the respect which is its result, has always been indiscrimi. nately granted to the person chosen by his sovereign to represent him; it is even inseparable from it. Both have, however, been neg. lected in the person of M. de Rehausen. His private sentiments. can the less give umbrage to the government, as he would certainly sacrifice them in the exercise of his functions, if they could be con. trary to the instructions he has received; and if in his conduct, ar in his language, he could be wanting to the treaty which subsists between Sweden and France. And it is in this case only, if a misun derstanding should take place bei tween the two governments, that his recal would become necessary! But since this is not the case, his sentiments cannot be considered as a valid motive of exclusion, and the refusal becomes consequently less an injury done to M. de Re hausen than a want of respect to his sovereign.

I must likewise remark, that M. de Rehausen being at Paris, has been appointed to attend ad interim to the affairs of Sweden, at a time when a rupture with Russia was every instant expected, and when the Swedish ambassador at that

court was on the eve of quitting his post. His appointment could not, therefore, have been influenced by the empress of Russia, to

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whom he is otherwise an utter stranger.

It is for these reasons, citizen minister, that I am unable to attribute to the person of M. de Re. hausen the refusal of the directory to acknowledge him in his public character. This refusal appears evidently to announce the intention of disobliging, in the face of Europe, the most ancient friend of France. I hesitate to pronounce a more decisive supposition; it is too repugnant to the known wishes of the Swedes and the French themselves, as likewise to their respective interests; and at the same time, it would be difficult for the enemies of both countries, not to find great satisfaction in the dis. union of which the French repub. lic may have given the signal. It is prescribed to me to declare, that if M. de Rehausen be not acknow. ledged, his majesty will be obliged, in support of his dignity, to use reciprocity with regard to citizen Perrochel. This necessity will otherwise have no influence on the desire which his majesty will al. ways have to strengthen the bands of friendship and good understand. ing which ought ever to subsist be. tween the two powers, Please, citizen minister, to accept the assurance of my most sincere attach

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bassador of Sweden, dated August 2, 1796, old stile, Resolves,

Article 1. The executive direc. tory persisting in their refusal of admitting M. de Rehausen; they consequently charge the minister of general police to notify to him the laws of the republic concerning foreigners.

II. The executive directory re cal citizen Perrochel, chargé d'af faires, and citizen Marivaux, se cretary of legation, and formerly chargé d'affaires in Sweden.

III. The executive directory protest, nevertheless, that the Swedish nation may always rely on their sentiments of affection.

IV. The ministers of foreign re. lations and of general police, are charged, each in his capacity, with the execution of the present reso lution, which shall be printed with the note.

(Signed) REVELLIERE LEPEAUX, president. By order of the executive directory, (Signed) LAGARDE, secretary, (A true copy.)

Official Note from the Minister fa Foreign Affairs to the Ambassad (Barthelemy) in Switzerland.

THE French government is in, formed that the English, after having stopped, during the war, under the most frivolous pretexts, every neutral vessel, have just given the most positive orders to the commanders of their ships of war, to seize, indiscriminately, all the cargoes which they may suppose to be destined for the French.

Whatever injury France may have sustained from this conduct, she has, nevertheless, continued


to give the only example of the most inviolable respect for the law of nations, which constitutes the piedge and security of their civilisation. But after having long tolerated the offence of this Machia. velian system of policy, she at length finds herself compelled, by the most urgent motives, to have recourse to reprisals against Eng


The executive directory, therefore, orders all the political agents of the French republic to inform the different governments, that the squadrons and privateers of the republic will act against the ships of every country, in the same manner in which those governments suffer the English to act against them.

This measure ought not to surprise them, since it would be very easy to demonstrate that it is imperiously prescribed by necessity, and is only the effect of a lawful defence. If these powers had known how to make their commerce respected by the English, we should have had no occasion to have recourse to this afflicting extremity.

They will recollect, that the French republic, ever generous, proposed to all the belligerent powers to respect commerce; but that this proposition, honourable to the government which made it, and dictated by a most perfect philanthropy, was rejected with pride, by a government accustomed to treat with contempt the most sacred laws of humanity, &c.

20th Thermidor (August 7). Proclamation of the General in Chief of the Army of Italy. Head-quarters at Castigliona, 19 Thermidor (August 6), fourth Year.


YOU have conquered Italy a se cond time! In five days you have gained two pitched battles, and five inferior actions; you have taken fifteen thousand prisoners, three generals, eighty picces of cannon, two hundred waggons, and six stand of colours. Those fierce Hungarians, triumphant last year on the Rhine, are now in your chains, or fly before you. You have crushed in an instant the principal enemy of the republic. So many high exploits ought not to make you proud, but to inspire you with confidence; they ought to teach you never to count your enemies, however numerous they may be. The conquerors of Lodi, of Lonado, of Castigliona, ought to attack and destroy them. You renew the boasted examples of Marathon and Platea; like the brave Greek phalanxes, the bri. gades of the army of Italy shall be immortal.

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Receive then, soldiers, the mark of the satisfaction of your general; it only precedes that of the whole country, and of rising posterity.

Brave soldiers, be always impe tuous in combats, and vigilant on your posts. Death shrinks trem bling from the agile and resolutely brave: how often have you marched to meet it, how often have you seen it fly before you and enter the hostile ranks! it often overtakes the dastard, but never strikes the brave till his hour is come. (Signed)


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BURGHERS REPRESENTATIVES! The undersigned minister plenipotentiary of the French Republic has the honour to intimate, that occasions do not offer so frequently as he could wish of giving you publicly a repetition of those as. surances of esteem and regard which he daily receives from the executive directory, as well to wards your assembly as the people which you represent. This esteem is not limited to those public attestations which France, has given to all Europe; nor to those less generally known, to hich your commission for the management of foreign affairs can also testify.

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The executive directory is steadily vigilant, is unceasingly busy; and the maxim applied to great undertakings-that all which is done must be esteemed trivial, while any thing remains to be ac. complished, seems to have been adopted by the French government in the ratification of her engage. ments with the Batavian Republic. In that moment, whef, during the winter, it maturely and wisely regulated the operations of war, and removed hostilities far from your do. minions, it neglected in no manner to do away your slightest apprehensions; and the powerful interven. tion of the French government banished a remaining but insignificant shadow of counter-revolutionary designs, which being fanned in your vicinity, afforded some cause of disquietude. That government now directs its most ar. dent and zealous endeavours to secure the political existence of Batavia, and to procure it again a place among potentates, with the

rank to which it can with justice aspire.

But it views a government wisely and solidly formed, as one of the most certain means of attaining speedily this desired end; and the executive directory cannot conceal its opinion, that it is time by a powerful and lasting band, to fasten together again the bundle which runs the risk of being dis persed, and lost for want of these properties. Such would quickly be the inevitable consequence of an order of things, which should pr. mit the burgher to adore exclusively his city or his province, looking on the country at large as a step-mother for whom he has no love, to whom he owes no allegiance, and whose lawful rights he misconceives.

"It is time"-these are are the words of the executive directory, "it is time, for the interests of the Batavian Republic, and for our contract with her, that the new order of things, expected by all the friends and lovers of liberty, should take place; and that all op. posite pretensions should give way and disappear before a constitution triumphing over federalism and aristocracy. And it falls within the pale of our department to labour, in concert with the Batavian people, to establish their indepen. dency, by hastening the approaches of their revolution to the object which is its ultimate aim. These sentiments of the executive directory might be easily explained by ex amples which the national history affords-yes, by what has hap pened under our own eyes-were it not likely to produce the most painful recollections. They afford


you, burghers representatives, the too certain proof that an unequal combination of particular powers never form a bulwark of national strength.

Let the burghers, then, who are animated by a sincere wish to see the cause of liberty triumph, receive this most positive assurance, that the French govern. ment will applaud and encourage their endeavours, and will consider itself indebted to them, as it were, for a new ally, whenever it shall feel the auxiliary aid of a state constituted on the immoveable basis of harmony and indivisibility of a state, which she can, with more confidence present to her friends and her enemies; particularly to the treacherous English, with whom we must quickly contend; who, viewing with indifference the miseries of Europe, under shelter of the advantages of their commerce, for these last four years, have, by their dealings with rage-blinded Austria, rather conspired their own destruction than


CITIZENS LEGISLATORS, THE directory can no longer leave you ignorant of the afflicting details which they receive from all parts, relative to the situation of the troops stationed in the interior of the republic. For several months has their constancy been put to the test by the most painful privations; and bewailing their distress, the directory have admitted more than once that resignation with which French soldiers forget their wants, when those of their country are put before their eyes. As long as the directory could flatter themselves with seeing the end of so critical a situation in the amelioration of the finances, they propped up the courage of the troops by hopes, and shut up in their own bosom all uneasiness; but the evils are too great to be any longer concealed; and however painful such a disclosure may be, it is impossible any longer to deny it to the alarming circumstances by which it is exacted. Pay, that sacred debt of the republic to those who devote themselves for her, has not been made for several months, regardless of the urgent requests of government: the treasury could not secure that part so interesting to its service, and the penury of its means ought alone to be reproached. All the bargains are suspended by the impossibility under which the treasury labours to fulfil the engagements made with contractors: provisions begin to be exhausted, and there remains no hope of renewing them: every E. NOEL. where almost it has been forced to have recourse to requisitions; but this measure, the use of which is fatal, furnished but insufficient resources, and to execute them is dangerous above all in those depart.

Place yourselves, then, in a condition, burghers representatives, from this time henceforward, to defeat the chance-computations of their infamous politics; and introduce a constitution which will develope your national strength, and succeed federal anarchy, which destroys power by dividing it: a form of government the most de fective and calamitous which your greatest enemy could wish to impose on you.

Message from the Executive Dire&ory to the Council of Five Hundred on the 6th Fructidor (August 23d). Read in a Secret Committee.


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