the vote of the supply, but would refrain from taking part in the division, cautioned the Government not to interpret the granting of the estimate as a vote of confidence, showing that it was only a sanction of the policy of prepa ration, and warned them not to commit the country upon it to war. The Chancellor of the Exchequer replied that the Government had at no time intended to plunge the country into war, but believed that all their measures were calculated to avert war and bring about a peaceful and permanent settlement. The votes in the Army and Navy departments for the Indian contingent were then agreed to. It was announced to both Houses on June 3d that invitations had been received from the German Government and accepted, to at tend a Congress of the Powers respecting the Eastern question, and for the free discussion of the whole of the contents of the treaty of San Stefano, and that the Prime Minister (Lord Beaconsfield) and the Foreign Secretary (Lord Salisbury) had been appointed her Majesty's Plenipotentiaries to attend it. The appointment of members of the Cabinet was criticised, especially as some of the Ministers themselves had formerly declared that such appointment would be improper. Earl Beaconsfield acknowledged that he knew of no precedent for it, but said that the Government were prepared to take the responsibility for the burdens that rested upon them. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said that every probable contingency had been so discussed that the pro posed division of the Cabinet would have no mischievous effects. During the sessions of the Congress, attention was excited by the publication of a document purporting to be an agreement which had been entered into between the Foreign Office and the Russian Government on the 30th of May respecting points on which the plenipotentiaries of the two Powers would agree to as a part of the terms of an arrangement which would be acceptable to both. They related to the cession of Batoum to Russia, the limitation of further Russian advances in Asiatic Turkey, the retrocession of Bessarabia to Russia-which the British Government would not oppose by arms, while it withheld its consent to it-the division of Bulgaria, the admission of the Powers to a consulting voice in the organization of the Greek provinces, the assurance that Russia would not convert the indemnity exacted from Turkey into territorial annexations, the cession of Bayazid to Turkey and of Kotour to Persia, VOL. XVIII.-26 A and the integrity of the other provisions of the treaty of San Stefano. The Government being questioned respecting this document in the House of Lords, June 15th, replied that the publication was unauthorized and surreptitious, and declined to make explanations at the time. On the 8th of July the Government announced in both Houses that it had concluded a convention with Turkey under which it undertook the administration of the island of Cyprus, while it assumed the protectorate of Asiatic Turkey against further Russian aggressions; in return for which the Porte promised to introduce necessary reforms in its dominions. Cyprus would be immediately occupied by a force under the command of Sir Garnet Wolseley. Three days afterward a minister said in the House of Lords that it would be the duty of Sir Garnet Wolseley on his arrival to make a full investigation into the institutions of Cyprus, and after receiving his report the Government would be in a position to state the course they intended to take with regard to slavery and other matters. The Earl of Kimberley expressed astonishment that a British Government could hesitate to declare its determination not to tolerate slavery in any place under its rule, and was referred to the conduct of the Government with regard to the Sultan of Zanzibar and the convention with Egypt as sufficient indications of the view they took of the slavery question. On the same day Mr. Bourke stated in the House of Commons that the Porte having expressed its willingness to enter into a convention for the abolition of the slave-trade, the terms of the convention had been sent to Constantinople on the 9th of June, and negotiations were now in progress. Earl Beaconsfield, having returned from the Congress at Berlin with Earl Salisbury, made his statement respecting the proceedings of the Congress and the treaty on the 18th of June. The changes and modifications made in the treaty of San Stefano by the Congress, he said, removed the menace which it had contained to the independence of Europe. After explaining the new provisions respecting Bulgaria and Bosnia, he defended the course taken by the Congress with regard to Greece. This country was animated, he said, by an idea which had no limits short of Constantinople, but it had a future and should be patient. The British plenipotentiaries had been especially anxious that an end should be put to those irritating border warfares which threatened the approaches to India, and they believed that this could be best accomplished by a protectorate of the Asiatic dominions of Turkey and the transfer of Cyprus. It had been said there was room enough in Asia Minor for both England and Russia. This was true; but the English plenipotentiaries were determined that the room which England required should be kept and guarded. In the debate, Earl Derby said that one of the reasons which had induced him to retire from the Cabinet was that his colleagues had come to a resolution to send a secret expedition from India to seize Cyprus, with or without the consent of the Sultan, as also a position on the coast of Syria, from which operations might be directed against Russia in the event of a war with that power. This was denied, but Lord Derby insisted on the correctness of his statement. On the 22d a member of the Cabinet stated in the House of Commons that the Indian troops stationed at Cyprus would be on the same footing as while they were at Malta, and they would not be added to the permanent strength of the army, nor would the Indian army be recruited to fill up their places. On the 29th of July the Marquis of Hartington moved a resolution that "while the House has learned with satisfaction that the troubles which have arisen in the east of Europe have been terminated by the treaty of Berlin without a further recourse to arms, and rejoices in the extension of liberty and self government to some of the provinces of European Turkey, it regrets that it has not been found practicable to deal in a more satisfactory manner with the claims of the kingdom of Greece and of the Greek subjects of the Porte; that by the assumption of the sole guarantee of the integrity of the remaining territories of Turkey in Asia the military liabilities of this country have been unnecessarily extended; that the undefined engagements entered into by her Majesty's Government in respect of the better administration of these provinces have imposed heavy responsibilities upon the state, while no sufficient means have been indicated for securing their fulfillment; and that such engagements have been entered into and responsibilities incurred without the previous knowledge of Parliament." In offering his resolution the mover admitted that in the main the treaty of Berlin was not repugnant to the views of many members of the Opposition. Although it was not a complete settlement, it was a long step in the direction of establishing the freedom and independence of the subject races, the policy which had all along been supported by the Liberal party, and therefore in the main they approved it. He then spoke to the points mentioned in his resolution, and characterized the policy of the protectorate in Asia Minor as "insane." Mr. Plunket moved as an amendment an address to her Majesty, expressing deep satisfaction at the termination of the war and the conclusion of the treaty between the Powers; and "expressing an earnest hope that the arrangements made and sanctioned by her Majesty's Government may, under the blessing of Providence, avail to preserve peace, to ameliorate the condition of large populations of the East, and to maintain the interests of this empire." Lord Sandon, speaking on the resolution, admitted that the Ministers were in no mood to claim a great and brilliant triumph, but that the sentiment which animated them was rather one of deep thankfulness for having escaped the horrors of a European war. The principal speech on the side of the Opposition was made by Mr. Gladstone. He defended an expression that had been complained of, to the effect that the Prime Minister had dishonored the country, as a legitimate criticism on his policy, and maintained that if such language could not be used on necessary occasions, however painful it might be to use it, the House of Commons might as well shut its doors. He admitted that the treaty of Berlin had achieved great results in the diminution of human misery and toward the establishment of human prosperity; but, examining in detail the attitude of the British plenipotentiaries, he complained that they had invariably taken the side of servitude rather than of freedom, and that the voice of England had been made to speak in the tone of Metternich rather than in that of Canning, Palmerston, or Russell. The argument on which he laid most stress was on the abuse instances. My relations with all foreign Powers continue to be friendly. Although the condition of affairs in South Africa still affords some grounds for anxiety, I have learned with satisfaction from the reports of my civil and military officers that the more serious disturbances which had arisen among the native population on the frontiers of the Cape Colony are now terminated. which he considered had been committed by many of the native Governments in India were very the treaty-making prerogative of the Execu- gratifying to me, and I recognize in them a fresh tive. This prerogative was an anomaly to be manifestation of that feeling toward my Crown and endured only so long as it was used with mod-person which has been displayed in many previous eration, with a regard to precedent and the rights of Parliament, and to the sense and convictions of the people, but which when not so used became intolerable. In this case it had been used to make in secret a treaty entirely novel and beyond the line of the ancient policy of the country. The line pursued by the present Government would bring the prerogative into question, and he feared a constant recurrence of these novelties unless they were checked by the voice of the people. In conclusion, he condemned the policy of the Government as an increase of responsibility without any additional strength, a loss of national character, a shock to constitutional usage, and a grievous addition to the burdens of a confiding people. The debate was continued for several days, the Home Secretary and the Chancellor of the Exchequer appearing as the principal defenders of the Government, till August 24, when the vote on the resolution of the Marquis of Hartington resulted-yeas 195, nays 338, showing a majority of 143 against it. Mr. Plunket's amendment was then agreed to. Parliament was prorogued August 17th. The Queen's message of prorogation referred to the more important questions as follows: The most important domestic measure passed during the session was the act for the promotion of intermediate education in Ireland, called the Intermediate Education (Ireland) Act. It was introduced in the House of Lords June 21st, and was finally passed in the House of Commons on the 12th of August. It appropriates £1,000,000 out of the property accruing to the Commissioners under the Irish Church Act, and establishes a Board of Intermediate Education charged with the duty of promoting its objects by instituting public examinations of students, by providing for the payment of prizes and exhibitions to students, and by providing for the payment to school managers of fees dependent on the results of the public examinations. Two educational acts were also passed with reference to Scotland. The Education (Scotland) Act, 1878, prohibits the emMY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN: When, in a critical ployment in factories of children under ten condition of public affairs, you assembled at the years of age, and restricts the employment of commencement of the year, I pointed out to you children of between ten and fourteen years that, in the interests of my empire, precautions of age, except upon condition of their having might become necessary, for which I appealed to certain educational qualifications or being emyour liberality to provide. At the same time I assured you that no efforts in the cause of peace should ployed according to some subsisting lawfully be wanting on my part. Your response was not am- recognized regulation; and also prohibits the biguous, and contributed largely to a pacific solution casual employment of children after certain of the difficulties which then existed. The terms of hours of the night except upon similar condiagreement between Russia and the Porte, so far as tions. The Endowed Institutions (Scotland) they affected preexisting treaties, were, after an interval of discussion, submitted to a Congress of the Act, 1878, is in effect a measure for the proPowers; and their councils have resulted in a peace motion of secondary education, and defines the which I am thankful to believe is satisfactory and conditions under which endowed institutions likely to be durable. The Ottoman Empire has not emerged from a disastrous war without severe loss; tration and government, or for the transfer of may secure provisions for their better adminisbut the arrangements which have been made, while favorable to the subjects of the Porte, have secured their endowments, so as better to promote eduto it a position of independence which can be upheld cation in the higher branches of knowledge in against aggression. I have concluded a defensive public and state-aided schools. The Contagious convention with the Sultan, which has been laid be- Diseases (Animals) Act empowers the local aufore you. It gives, as regards his Asiatic empire, a nore distinct expression to the engagements which thorities in the case of the home trade in cattle in principle I, together with other Powers, accepted to take summary measures with respect to aniin 1856, but of which the form has not been found mals suffering from cattle disease, pleuro-pneupractically effectual. The Sultan has, on the other monia, or foot-and-mouth disease; and requires hand, bound himself to adopt and carry into effect all cattle imported from abroad (except from the measures necessary for securing the good government of those provinces. In order to promote Canada and the United States) to be slaughthe objects of this agreement, I have undertaken the tered at the port of debarkation. The compuloccupation and administration of the island of Cy- sory slaughter may, however, be suspended by prus. In aiding to bring about the settlement which order of the Privy Council, for reasons which has taken place, I have been assisted by the discipline and high spirit of my forces by sea and by land, they must submit in writing to Parliament. by the alacrity with which my reserves responded to The Additional Bishoprics Act, which received my call, by the patriotic offers of military aid by my the royal assent on the last day of the session, people in the colonies, and by the proud desire of after a recital in the preamble that it is expemy Indian army to be reckoned among the defend- dient to provide increased episcopal supervision ers of the British Empire, a desire justified by the soldierly qualities of the force recently quartered at in certain parts of England, provides for the Malta. The spontaneous offers of troops made by foundation of four new bishoprics, whose bish ops are to be called the Bishop of Liverpool, the Bishop of Newcastle, the Bishop of Southwell, and the Bishop of Wakefield. The Ecclesiastical Commissioners are empowered to receive public contributions for the endowment of any of the new bishoprics; and whenever they certify to the Queen that the annual value of the endowment fund, with the sum to be derived from a contributory bishopric, is not less than £3,500 a year, or £3,000 with contributions to raise it within five years to £3,500, then the Queen, by order in Council, may "found" the new bishopric. The number of bishops sitting in Parliament is not to be increased. Other important acts of the session are the act for closing the public houses in Ireland on Sunday, the Public Health Act (1875) Amendment Act, the act for consolidating the public health laws of Ireland, an act for amending and simplifying the laws relating to factories and workshops, an amendatory act relating to highways, and acts in regard to roads and bridges in Scotland and for the abolition of tolls. A select committee of the House of Commons, appointed at a previous session, to consider the business rules of the House, in order to ascertain what regulations could be applied or made to prevent the obstruction of business by the interposition of dilatory motions and speeches, reported in July. The report suggested: first, that the Speaker may propose that an obstructive whom he has found it necessary to "name" shall, after being heard for ten minutes, be, in the discretion of the House, suspended for that sitting; and, secondly, that whenever a motion to adjourn or report progress, or that the Speaker leave the chair, is made by less than twenty members, there shall be no division, but the Speaker shall call up the members and count them instead. A bill for modifying and codifying the law relating to indictable offenses was introduced and received with favor, but was afterward withdrawn by the Government, to be referred to a commission, who will revise it and reduce it to a form in which it may be passed without protracted discussion. The Commission consists of Lord Blackburn, Mr. Justice Barry, Mr. Justice Lush, and Sir James Stephen. Lord Carnarvon announced in the House of Lords on the 25th of January that his resignation as Secretary of State for the Colonies had been offered and accepted by her Majesty, and explained the reason for his step, which was a difference of opinion with his associates on the sending of the fleet to the Dardanelles. On the following Monday, the 28th, Earl Derby explained that he had tendered his resignation as Secretary of State for foreign Affairs because he did not approve of sending the fleet to the Dardanelles; but, as the Government found within thirty-six hours that they were not bound to take that step, he had no difficulty in withdrawing his resignation. The Right Hon. Sir Michael Hicks-Beach was appointed Secretary of State for the Colonies, February 4th, in place of the Earl of Carnarvon, and on the same day the Duke of Northumberland was appointed to the office of Lord Privy Seal in place of the Earl of Beaconsfield. The discussion of the Russo-Turkish policy of the Government was carried on vigorously through the earlier weeks of the Parliamentary vacation, and formed the burden of numerous addresses of members to their constituents and of the resolutions of public meetings. The excitement on the subject had hardly had time to wane when a new theme of intense interest demanded notice-the complications with Afghanistan. The subject was mentioned in Parliament during the last week of the session, when the Government being interrogated concerning a reported advance of the Russians toward Afghanistan and the dispatch of the mission of Sir Neville Chamberlain (see AFGHANISTAN), Mr. Bourke replied that they had no official information concerning the movements of the Russians, but that the British mission to Cabool was of the kind which seemed to be called for by the circumstances, and for which the Government were ready to take the responsibility. Any interference by Russia with Afghanistan would be objected to now just as much as when the question of a neutral zone was discussed between the two Governments; and considering that Russia had then pledged her word that Afghanistan was outside her sphere, the House would understand that the Government could not look with indifference on the acts which had recently been done in Central Asia. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said that when the Indian Government heard of the establishment of a Russian mission at Cabool, the most obvious step was to send a mission of corresponding weight and dignity. Undoubtedly it was the duty of English and Indian statesmen to watch all that was going on in those quarters, and the Government were fully alive to their responsibility in the matter. When the news came in the latter part of September that the Ameer had refused to receive the British embassy, an impression was produced that the Government had been treated with indignity. The popular irritation was, however, appeased by the publication of a let ter from Lord Lawrence, a former Viceroy of India, arguing that the Ameer as an independent sovereign had an indisputable right to refuse to receive an embassy, and that the Government had tolerated the exercise of that right once (1857) in the case of Dost Mohammed, and twice (1869 and 1876) in the case of the present Ameer. Moreover, it seemed to him a mistake to have organized the mission before ascertaining whether Shere Ali was prepared to receive overtures, and a greater mistake to have dispatched the mission before receiving his consent for doing so. Had these precautions been observed, the affront would not have seemed so flagrant as it now did. He urged that the Government should accept an apology from the Ameer, rather than involve the country in a war. The letter of Lord Lawrence was followed by letters from Earl Grey and Sir Charles Trevelyan taking a similar view, and from Sir James Stephen defending the policy of the Government in seeking to strengthen the Indian frontier. An extensive correspondence ensued, in which the case was fully reviewed on its merits, and in its various bearings by writers having the best acquaintance with the subject. Public opinion was modified by the reception of more accurate reports of events, which showed that the conduct of the Ameer had not been so rude as had been represented at first, so that a clear division of opinion was reached in a few weeks. On the day that the war was begun, November 20th, a Cabinet council was held. Lord Cranbrook's dispatch explaining the policy of the Government with regard to Afghanistan (see AFGHANISTAN) was approved and sent to the papers, and was published on the 21st. On the 25th a royal proclamation was issued summoning Parliament to meet on the 5th of December. On the 26th the official papers and correspondence relating to Afghanistan, from 1855 to Lord Cranbrook's dispatch of the 20th, were given to the public. On the assembling of Parliament, December 5th, the Queen sent in the following message : son. MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN: I regret that I have been obliged to call for your attendance at an unusual, and probably, to most of you, an inconvenient sermanifested by the Ameer of Afghanistan, and the The hostility toward my Indian Government manner in which he repulsed my friendly mission, left me no alternative but to make a peremptory regarded, I have directed an expedition to be sent demand for redress. This demand having been disinto his territory, and I have taken the earliest opportunity of calling you together, and making to you the communication required by law. I have directed that papers on the subject shall be laid before you. I receive from all foreign Powers assurreason to believe that the arrangements for the paciffances of their friendly feelings, and I have every cation of Europe made by the treaty of Berlin will be successfully carried into effect. GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS: The esration, and will in due time be submitted to you. timates for the ensuing year are in course of prepa MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN: I propose that after full deliberation upon the matters which have led me to anticipate your usual time of meeting, and consideration of various measures for the public after a suitable recess, you should proceed to the benefit which will then be laid before you. I confidently commit to your wisdom the great interests of my empire, and I pray that the blessing of Almighty God may attend your counsels. Lord Cranbrook in the House of Lords, and Mr. Stanhope in the House of Commons, gave notice of resolutions consenting to the application of the Indian revenues toward defraying the expenses of the military operations beyond the frontier. The debate on the address to the Crown was lively in both Houses; but Lord Hartington in the House of Commons, while he denied that there was any justification for the war, said that it had been entered upon by a Government which had been fully empowered by Parliament to exercise the prerogative, and he would not oppose the voting of supplies. The address was amended so as to meet an objection made by Mr. Gladstone to the use of language committing the House to the opinion that the conduct of the Ameer left no alternative but to declare war, and was adopted. On Monday, December 9th, Lord Cranbrook in the House of Lords moved his resolution "that the Queen having directed a military expedition of the forces charged on the Indian revenues to be dispatched against the Ameer of Afghanistan, the House of Lords consents that the revenues of India shall be applied to defray the expenses of the military operations which may be carried on beyond the external frontiers of her Majesty's Indian possessions.' ." Lord Halifax moved in amendment that, "while ready to consent to providing the means necessary for bringing the war in which we are unhappily engaged to a safe and honorable conclusion, the House of Lords regrets the conduct pursued by the Government, which has unnecessarily engaged this country in the contest." A division was taken on the next day, and resulted-contents, 201; not contents, 65; showing a majority of 136 for the Government. In the House of Commons, on the report of the address being brought up, Mr. Whitbread |