commission or letters of marque for arming any ship or ships to act as privateers against the citizens or inhabitants of Venezuela, or any of them, or the property of any of them, from any Prince or State with which the said Republic shall be at war; and if any person of either nation shall take such commissions or letters of marque, he shall be punished according to their respective laws.

XXVI. The High Contracting Parties grant to each other the liberty of having in the ports of the other Consuls or Vice-Consuls of their own appointment, who shall enjoy the same privileges and powers as those of the most favoured nation; but if any of the said Consuls or Vice-Consuls shall carry on trade, they shall be subjected to the same laws and usages to which private individuals of their nation are subjected in the same place.

It is understood that whenever either of the two Contracting Parties shall select a citizen of the other for a Consular Agent, to reside in any ports or commercial places of the latter, such Consul or Agent shall continue to be regarded, notwithstanding his quality of a foreign Consul, as a citizen of the nation to which he belongs, and consequently shall be subject to the laws and regulations to which natives are subjected in the place of his residence. This obligation, however, shall in no respect embarrass the exercise of his consular functions or affect the inviolability of the consular archives.

The said Consuls and Vice-Consuls shall have the right, as such, to sit as judges and arbitrators in such differences as may arise between the masters and crews of the vessels belonging to the nation whose interests are committed to their charge without the interference of the local authorities, unless their assistance should be required, or the conduct of the crews or of the captain should disturb the order or tranquillity of the country. It is, however, understood that this species of judgment or arbitration shall not deprive the contending parties of the right they have to resort, on their return, to the judicial authority of their own country.

The said Consuls and Vice-Consuls are authorized to require the assistance of the local authorities for the arrest and imprisonment of the deserters from the ships-of war and merchant vessels of their country. For this purpose they shall apply to the competent tribunals, judges, and officers, and shall, in writing, demand such deserters, proving by the exhibition of the registers of the vessels, the muster-rolls of the crews, or by any other official documents, that such individuals formed part of the crews; and on this claim being substantiated the surrender shall not be refused. Such deserters, when arrested, shall be placed at the disposal of the Consuls and Vice-Consuls, and may be confined in the public prisons at the request and cost of those who shall claim them, in order to be sent to the vessels to which they belong, or to others of the same

country. But if not sent back within 3 months of the day of their arrest, they shall be set at liberty, and shall not again be arrested for the same cause. However, if the deserter shall be found to have committed any crime or offence, his surrender may be delayed until the tribunal before which his case shall be pending shall have pronounced its sentence and such sentence shall have been carried into effect.

XXVII. The United States of America and the Republic of Venezuela, on requisitions made in their name through the medium of their respective Diplomatic and Consular Agents, shall deliver up to justice persons who, being charged with the crimes enumerated in the following Article, committed within the jurisdiction of the requiring party, shall seek asylum or shall be found within the territories of the other: Provided, that this shall be done only when the fact of the commission of the crime shall be so established as to justify their apprehension and commitment for trial, if the crime had been committed in the country where the persons so accused shall be found; in all of which the tribunals of said country shall proceed and decide according to their own laws.

XXVIII. Persons shall be delivered up, according to the provisions of this Convention, who shall be charged with any of the following crimes, to wit: murder (including assassination, parricide, infanticide, and poisoning) attempt to commit murder, rape, forgery, the counterfeiting of money, arson, robbery with violence, intimidation, or forcible entry of an inhabited house, piracy, embezzlement by public officers, or by persons hired or salaried, to the detriment of their employers, when these crimes are subject to infamous punishment.

XXIX. On the part of each country the surrender shall be made only by the authority of the executive thereof. The expenses of detention and delivery effected in virtue of the preceding Articles, shall be at the cost of the party making the demand.

XXX. The provisions of the aforegoing Articles relating to the surrender of fugitive criminals shall not apply to offences committed before the date hereof, nor to those of a political character.

XXXI. This Convention is concluded for the term of 8 years, dating from the exchange of the ratifications; and if, one year before the expiration of that period, neither of the Contracting Parties shall have announced, by an official notification, its intention to the other to arrest the operations of said Convention, it shall continue binding for 12 months longer, and so on, from year to year, until the expiration of the 12 months which will follow a similar declaration, whatever the time at which it may take place.

XXXII. This Convention shall be submitted on both sides to the approval and ratification of the respective competent authorities of

each of the Contracting Parties, and the ratifications shall be exchanged at Caracas, as soon as circumstances shall admit.

In faith whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed the foregoing Articles, in the English and Spanish languages, and they have hereunto affixed their seals.

Done in duplicate, at the city of Caracas, this 27th day of August, in the year of our Lord, 1860.

(L.S.) E. A. TURPIN.

(L.S.) PEDRO DE LAS CASAS.

CORRESPONDENCE between Great Britain, Austria, France, &c., respecting the Affairs of Italy.-January-April, 1860.*

No. 1.—Lord A. Loftus to Lord J. Russell.-(Rec. January 16.) MY LORD, Vienna, January 12, 1860.

IN my late conversation with Count Rechberg on the subject of the dangers to be apprehended from a conflict between the Papal troops and the army of Central Italy, his Excellency took occasion to animadvert in strong terms on the continued attempts of the Sardinian Government to incite the populations of Venetia and the Southern Tyrol to throw off their allegiance to Austria.

Count Rechberg stated that there was one point on which he was happy to say he wholly participated in the views of Her Majesty's Government, namely, in a desire to preserve the general peace of Europe; but that no tranquillity or repose could exist, nor could the security of peace be assured, so long as the Sardinian Government continued to foment discord and insurrection within the States of her neighbour.

"Peace," said his Excellency, "has been now signed between us; all we ask is that this peace shall be faithfully respected."

I inquired of his Excellency whether he had any real grounds, any positive facts, in proof of the serious charge he had thus brought against the Sardinian Government; for that it was extremely difficult to rely on mere general reports, which, in many cases, were much exaggerated, and which oftentimes on examination proved to be groundless.

His Excellency replied that his information in this respect was most authentic, and he would relate to me the following incident, which fully substantiated the charge he had made.

Within very lately a proposal was made to an influential person * Laid before Parliament, 1860.

in the Southern Tyrol to aid and assist in getting up a popular demonstration in favour of the annexation of that Province to Sardinia; and it was suggested that a deputation should be sent to the Congress when it met at Paris, with a petition praying for the separation of the Southern Tyrol from Austria, and its incorporation with Sardinia.

The reply given was a remarkable one. It stated that any such proposal would render but a bad service to Sardinia, as that province formed part of the Germanic Confederation, and that consequently any attempt on the part of Sardinia to acquire possession of it would not only be fruitless, but would arouse the susceptibilities and hostility of the whole German nation.

In reply to my observation that this proposal might possibly have been put forth by some unauthorized political emissary without the knowledge or sanction of the Sardinian Government, Count Rechberg stated that such was not the case, as it had emanated from Count Cavour, and had been related to him by the person to whom it had been addressed. I have, &c. Lord J. Russell.

AUGUSTUS LOFTUS.

No. 2.-Lord A. Loftus to Lord J. Russell.-(Rec. January 16.) MY LORD, Vienna, January 12, 1860.

Ar an interview I had with Count Rechberg on Monday last, I stated to his Excellency, that from information which had reached Her Majesty's Government, certain apprehensions were entertained that the troops which had been lately raised in the Austrian States for the Papal service would attack the position of the army of Central Italy in the Romagna, and that in view of the grave results which such a measure might give rise to, Her Majesty's Government sincerely hoped that the Imperial Cabinet might be induced to use their influence to dissuade the Court of Rome from taking this hostile course, which could not fail of producing the most serious consequences to the peace of Italy.

I represented to his Excellency that if such a measure were resorted to by the Pope, it would infallibly lead to fresh complications, for the presence of Austrian troops in the ranks of the Papal army would undoubtedly be viewed by Sardinia in the light of a masked intervention, and would afford to that Power a pretext for marching into the Legations, in defence of the army of Central Italy.

Count Rechberg replied, that the Imperial Government could not recognize under the denomination of "Austrian troops," any of their subjects who might have taken service in the Papal army. He denied that the Government had had any part in the enlistment of these soldiers, and they could not, therefore, be held responsible for

it. His Excellency admitted that some Austrian subjects had taken service in the Papal army, but he stated that their number, although greatly exaggerated, was very small; and he further adverted to the fact that a far greater number of Austrian subjects were to be found serving in the ranks of the Italian army under General Fanti. "Why should you not, therefore," said his Excellency, "equally expostulate at the presence of these latter under arms for the Italian cause? We have no object in restraining individuals from employing their labour as they think fit. We see no reason to keep our population under lock and key. We have not endeavoured to prevent those who wished to join the Italian army from doing so, nor can we exercise restraint on others. On the contrary, we consider the means of subsistence thus offered to persons who have no employment, rather as a gain than a loss."

I replied to his Excellency, that the subject to which I had called his particular attention referred to the grave dangers which might result if, in consequence of the presence of this additional force, the Pope should attempt to regain Bologna, or make any attack against the army of Central Italy. If such an unfortunate occurrence were to happen, it would lead to a renewal of the war in Italy; and in the interest of Austria herself, of Italy, and of Europe, it became the duty of every one to endeavour to avert such a deplorable event.

Count Rechberg replied that the Pope was an independent Sovereign, and that no one could contest his undoubted right to subdue a province which had revolted against him-a province which ormed part of his lawful territory. His Excellency considered that the apprehensions entertained on this subject were unfounded; for he could not think it probable that the Papal Government, whose military forces did not exceed 8,000 men, would ever commit an act so hazardous and so impolitic as to attack an army of 50,000!

With reference to the asserted pretext for Sardinian intervention, if any attack were made by the Papal army against Bologna (an eventuality which his Excellency in no wise contemplated), Count Rechberg stated that he could not recognise in such a case any right of Sardinia to interfere, or to occupy Central Italy; and that were she to do so, it would be a flagrant violation of her Treaty engagements; and his Excellency considered that if any such eventuality were to be apprehended, the influence of Her Majesty's Government might be usefully exerted to dissuade Sardinia from taking a step from which it was feared that such disastrous consequences might result.

Count Rechberg again repeated that the Imperial Government had nothing to do with the recruitments which had taken place for the Papal service; that they had equally refrained from opposing