dating the strength of the government. A million dollars may be added to the revenue.

Our naval force ought to be completed to six ships of the line, twelve frigates, and twenty four sloops of war. . . . Our military force should, for the present, be kept upon its actual [war] footing.

Third.-Arrangements for confirming and enlarging the legal powers of the government. . . . An article . . . for empowering Congress to open canals in all cases in which it may be necessary to conduct them through two or more states.

Happy would it be if a clause could be added to the constitution, enabling Congress, on the application of any considerable portion of a State, containing not less than a hundred thousand persons, to erect it into a separate State. . . . The subdivision of the great States is indispensable to the security of the general government, and with it of the Union.

The subdivision of such States ought to be a cardinal point in the federal [party] policy.

Fourth.-Laws for restraining and punishing incendiary and seditious practices. . . . To preserve confidence in the officers of the general government, . . . is essential to enable them to fulfil the ends of their appointment. But what avail laws which are not executed? Renegade aliens conduct more than one of the most incendiary presses of the United States. Why are they not sent away? . . ." 31

d. Breach in the Federal Party:

Hamilton to T. Sedgwick (May 10, 1800). "For my individual part my mind is made up. I will never more be responsible for him [Adams] by my direct support, even though the consequence should be the election of Jefferson. If we must have an enemy at the head of the government, let it be one we can oppose, and for whom we are not responsible. . . . Under Adams as under Jefferson, the government will sink.

"32

Hamilton to Chas. Carroll (July 1, 1800) "His [Adams'] administration has already very materially disgraced and sunk

31. H. C. Lodge, Hamilton's Works, X, 329-336. 32. H. C. Lodge, Hamilton's Works, X, 375.

the government. There are defects in his character which must inevitably continue to do this more and more. Dr. Franklin drew this portrait of Mr. Adams: 'He is always honest, sometimes great, but often mad,' I subscribe to the justice of this picture, adding, as to the first trait of it, as far as a man excessively vain and jealous and ignobly attached to place can be.." "' 33

e. Election of 1800:

Hamilton to O. Wolcott (Dec. 16, 1800). "It is now ascertained that Jefferson or Burr will be president, and it seems probable that they will come with equal votes to the House of Representatives. . . . In this event, the Federalists in Congress, or some of them, talk of preferring Burr. I trust New England at least will not so far lose its head as to fall into this snare upon every virtuous and prudent calculation

Jefferson is to be preferred. . .

As to Burr, there is nothing in his favor.

Let it not

be imagined that Mr. Burr can be won to the federal views.

Hamilton to O. Wolcott (Dec. 17, 1800). "If Jefferson is President, the whole responsibility of bad measures will rest with the Anti-federalists. If Burr is made so by the Federalists, the whole responsibility will rest with them." 35

Hamilton to Bayard (Dec. 27, 1800). "Be assured that this man [Burr] has no principle, public nor private, . . . and [is] of an ambition that will be content with nothing less than permanent power in his own hand. . . . Let me add, that I could scarcely name a discreet man of either party in our State, who does not think Mr. Burr the most unfit man in the United States for the office of President." 36

Election of Jefferson (House, Feb. 17, 1801). “Ordered, That the ballot be repeated at one o'clock.

ceded . to the thirty-sixth ballot; and

declared to the House that the votes of ten

33. H. C. Lodge, Hamilton's Works, X, 379-380. 34. Same, 392, 394.

35. Same, 395-395.

36. Same, 403-404.

. . the SPEAKER

The states pro

States had been

given for THOMAS JEFFERSON, of Virginia; the votes of four States for AARON BURR, of New York; and that the votes of two States had been given in blank; and that . . . Thomas Jefferson had been . . . elected President of the United States.

QUESTIONS

I. (1) What steps were taken in order to put the new government into operation? (2) For what reasons were the ceremonies and proposed titles objected to? (3) What cabinet positions created by the first Congress? (4) What means did Hamilton propose for establishing the national credit? (5) What were Hamilton's chief objects in the establishment of the national credit? (6) What objections were made to Hamilton's plans? (7) On what grounds was the national bank attacked and defended? (8) What relations existed between Hamilton and Jefferson over domestic issues? (9) Did Hamilton or Jefferson have the greater faith in the people? (10) What attitude did Washington wish the United States to take toward European war? (11) What attempt did the House make to assert a share in treaty making? (12) What were the arguments against its having such a power? (13) What were regarded as the strong and as the weak points in Jay's treaty? (14) What different methods proposed for dealing with France, 1796-1800? (15) What were the objects of the Federalists in passing the Alien and Sedition Laws? (16) What attitude did the Republicans take toward this legislation? (17) What difference of constitutional theories between Federalists and Republicans developed in 1798-1799? (18) What political evils does Hamilton claim exist in 1799? (19) What remedies does he propose? (20) What trouble within the Federal Party in campaign of 1800? (21) Does Hamilton agree with Federalist party position on Jefferson-Burr contest in 1800?

II. (1) Compare party issues before and after 1793. (2) Outline relations of United States with foreign nations, 17931801. (3) Contrast principles of Federalists and Republicans.

III. (1) What internal conditions not mentioned in extracts influenced parties and legislation? (2) What were the European conditions that caused complications between Europe and

37. T. H. Benton, Abridgment of Debates of Congress, II, 533.

the United States? (3) What different explanations are made of the Federalist defeat in the election of 1800?

Text-Book References.-Adams & Trent, 196-212; Ashley, 209-246; Channing (revision 1908), 257-292; Hart, 235-259; James & Sanford, 215-239; Macdonald's Johnston, 189-207; McLaughlin, 233-259; McMaster, 170-173, 197-215; Montgomery (edition 1905), 239-267; Thomas (edition 1903), 181-199.

SECTION III

JEFFERSONIAN REPUBLICANISM, 1801-1812

With the inauguration of Jefferson as president in 1801, the Republican party ceased to be a mere party of opposition, and became charged with the duty of formulating policies and carrying them into operation. The first intent of this section is to show the ideals of the party when it came into power, and the extent to which it had succeeded in realizing them in the first two years of its supremacy, especially in relation to such questions as forms and ceremonies, the public debt, taxes, the army and navy, etc.

In 1803, however, arose a great question which the Republicans had not foreseen-that of the purchase of Louisiana; and in answering it they espoused-or at least the majority of the party did—the principles of "broad construction" and "implied powers," doctrines they had previously denied. President Jefferson still attempted to cling to old Republican principles, suggesting an appeal to the nation for a constitutional amendment authorizing and sanctioning the acquisition of territory; but the majority of his party in Congress held such action unnecessary, finding the requisite power "inherent in independent nations."

The entire period of 1801 to 1810 was marked by threats against or attacks on the Judicial System as organized by

the Federalists, the Republicans desiring to make the Federal (National) Courts more responsive to public opinion. The extracts are intended to show the nature of these attacks and to what extent they were successful by the end of this period.

From 1807 to 1812 foreign relations again became the dominant issue. English and French encroachments upon what Americans regarded as their international rights as neutral traders with warring nations led to the embargo of 1807 and produced another exhibition of the growing Republican tendency to enlarge the powers of the National Government whenever public or party necessity appeared to demand it. In the end, the embargo failed to accomplish its intended purpose. Then the new and younger generation of Republicans, like Clay and Calhoun, demanded a more aggressive defense of American rights, and the older Republicans were either, like Madison, reluctantly forced to enter upon the war policy of 1812, or, like Randolph, driven to abandon their former party, and go into political opposition.

a.

66

1.

REPUBLICAN POLICIES IN OPERATION, 1801-1803

Republican Principles:

President Jefferson's Inaugural Address (Mar. 4, 1801). ... If there be any among us who would wish to dissolve this Union or to change its republican form, let them stand undisturbed as monuments of the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated where reason is left free to combat it.

I believe this . . . the strongest government on earth. I believe it is the only one where every man, at the call of the laws, . . . would meet invasions of the public order as his own personal concern.

It is proper that you should understand what I deem the essential principles of our government, and consequently those which ought to shape its administration. [They are] equal and exact justice to all men . . . ; peace, commerce and honest friendship, with all nations-entangling alliances with