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Lord Holland observed, that when he stated his objections to a grant of the public money, under the present circumstances of the country, for the purpose of this bill, he had intimated his opinion that the funds required for carrying the bill into effect ought to be supplied by the church itself. When he stated this, he was not aware that in the present reign, and in his own time, a precedent for the practice he recommended had been established. There was, however, an act of the 37th Geo. 3rd by which the emoluments of two prebends of Lichfield were sequestered for the purpose of repairing the cathedral. Now, though the bill to which he alluded. might be regarded as a private bill, he saw no reason why the principle should not be adopted in the present measure, and applied to the benefit of the public.

ought to be expected to supply from its own bosom some of the means required to carry into effect this bill. He acknowledged the justice of the distinction pointed out by his noble friend, but there was notwithstanding still some analogy between the case he had pointed out and the object of the present bill. At any rate, the sequestration of these prebends was a complete answer to the assertion, that the whole church establishment was not more than the good of the country required. If that was the case, how could this sequestration have been agreed to in 1796 ?

On the clause, limiting the powers of the commissioners to the building of churches, so as to afford the greatest pos sible accommodation to the largest number of persons,

The Archbishop of Canterbury said, Lord Grenville expressed a doubt whethat the measure to which the noble lord ther the words were sufficiently exhad referred was resorted to for the ad-planatory of what were the intentions of vantage of the individual church from which the sequestration of the prebends had been made. This was a very different case from a measure which had in view the supplying of a general deficiency of churches by building new ones.

The Earl of Liverpool thought it must be evident, that a measure of the kind proposed by the noble lord would produce a mere mite towards the expense required for the measure now under consideration. The precedent he recommended could not be adopted to an extent which would be in any way useful, without its operating seriously to injure the interests of the church.

Lord Grenville could not admit the propriety of the precedent referred to by his noble friend. Whatever fairness there might be in the sequestration of prebends for the repair of a church, the principle did not apply to the building of new churches. It was besides objectionable on account of the great extent to which that principle must be carried to render it useful; for the object of the bill could not be accomplished without a sacrifice of a more serious nature than that which would be occasioned by the grant in this bill.

Lord Holland was aware that the precedent to which he had called their lordships attention did not exactly apply; but when the country was called upon, under the pressure of so many difficulties, to make so large a sacrifice as that required, he was of opinion that a church so richly endowed as the church of England was,

its framers. He agreed that to afford the greatest possible accommodation to the largest number of persons, ought to be a primary principle; but whilst he deprecated all useless splendor in the building of churches, he thought it of importance, that that mode should be adopted which was best calculated to inspire devotion, and which was characteristic of the established church-that there should be a decent decoration, and not that the mere unqualified principle should be acted upon, of providing room for a large assemblage of individuals.

The Earl of Liverpool entirely agreed with the noble baron in the view he had taken of this clause, and was decidedly of opinion, that though the providing the greatest possible accommodation for the largest number of persons ought to be a leading principle, and though he was wholly and completely adverse to incurring a heavy expense for mere splendor (the evil effects of which were manifested in the execution of the act of queen Anne), yet there ought to be that decent decoration which would mark the character of the established church; and should it fall to his lot to have any concern in the execution of this act, he should certainly so interpret it, that interpretation being, he had no doubt, thoroughly consistent with the intentions of the framers of the bill.

Lord Holland was far from being an enemy to ornamental architecture, and thought it might be displayed in churches as well as other public edifices; but, under

the reign of queen Anne, and in which, perhaps, the system of decoration had been carried too far, it appeared to him that one material point was forgotten, namely, that the churches then erected were not built merely to accommodate the people of London and Westminster, but were designed to remain as lasting ornaments of their cities. He was satisfied, that while their lordships paid a due attention to the accommodation of the frequenters of the Established Church, in point of room, they would not neglect an adherence to that mode of building which characterised the reformed church of England from churches where that reform was carried too far.

the particular circumstances of this bill, he should object to any superfluity which was likely to create an occasion for calling for farther sacrifices from the public. It was a principle, that acts of parliament should be interpreted by the fair construction of the words they contained, and not by any inferences of what had been the intention of those who passed them; and he confessed that, for his part, he liked the literal meaning of the words of the present clause much better than the explanation of them which the two noble fords had attempted to give. Such explanations might afford the commissioners a pretext for extravagant expenditure, on the ground that they had followed what they understood to be the intention of the legislature. Besides, their lordships stood in a particular situation with respect to a bill of this kind. How did they know but that the other House had worded the clause in the manner in which it stood, precisely for the purpose of preventing its being understood in the sense which the explanation of the noble lord would give it?

The Earl of Harrowby observed, that parliament would have the opportunity of controlling the proceedings of the commissioners, and checking either too great economy on the one hand, or too much profusion on the other. He was decidedly hostile to incurring unnecessary expense for splendor, but he never could agree, that it was intended by this bill merely to erect four walls like a barn, solely upon the principle of affording the greatest possible accommodation to the largest number of persons. He certainly thought there ought to be that decent decoration which should mark the character of the established church.

The Archbishop of Canterbury said, that although he was very far from wishing that money should be expended in any way that might appear to be unnecessary, he trusted their lordships would not forget the object of the present bill. Even the humble spire of the village church in dicated the purposes to which it was dedicated. If edifices were erected which departed so far from the style of ecclesiasti. cal architecture that they might be mistaken for places devoted to another use, he conceived that one object of the present bill would be entirely lost sight of. As little was he disposed to recommend a superfluous expenditure; but when allusion was made to the churches erected in (VOL. XXXVIII.)

The Bill then went through the Committee.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Wednesday, May 20.

CONTAGIOUS FEVER IN LONDON COMMITTEE.] Mr. Bennet in presenting a Report from the Select Committee appointed to inquire into the state of Contagious Fever in the Metropolis, said, he wished to call the attention of the House to this important subject. It appeared, that during last year, the cases of fever had increased to nearly seven times their former number. There was only one establishment in the metropolis for the reception of fever patients solely. It was instituted in 1802, and from very small beginnings, had grown to be a considerable establishment. It was however by no means equal to the wants of the metropolis. The House would learn with some surprise, that it was the practice in all the hospitals of the metropolis to mix contagious fever patients with ordinary fever patients. The consequence was, that fever was generated in the hospitals, and that persons affected with ordinary fevers frequently caught these contagious fevers. It appeared, that in these hospitals, not only had the contagion been caught by patients, but that nurses, attendants, students, and even physicians had also caught it. The species of medical police, as it was called, applicable to fever hospitals, was very different from that of ordinary hospitals. It was a melancholy truth, that the hospitals in the metropolis were by no means equal to the wants of the population. There was not an hospital in the metropolis which did not every week turn from its doors a great many applicants. (3 H)

Hamilton moved the order of the day for bringing Thomas Ferguson to the bar of the House, in order to his being discharged. He observed at the same time that had it been consistent with the practice of the House, he should also have moved that Ferguson be reprimanded. But as it was understood to be the rule and practice of the House, that the party offend

he should simply move, that T. Ferguson be brought to the bar of the House in order to his being discharged.

Thomas Ferguson was accordingly brought to the bar, where he received a Reprimand from Mr. Speaker, and was ordered to be discharged out of custody, paying his fees. The Reprimand was as follows:

It appeared, that at some of the principal | hospitals, four cases out of five were weekly refused. By increasing the means of the fever hospital, not only would persons who could not now obtain admission into any hospital, be received, but a material relief would be experienced by other hospitals which were ill adapted for cases of contagion. The committee thought fit to recommend to government, the granting should be reprimanded from the chair, of a small sum of money to extend the accommodations of the fever hospital. Government had thought fit to give 1,000l. towards this object. Its expenses had risen last year from 500l. to 1,700.; and the number of patients from between 70 and 80 to 700 and upwards. The committee recommended that government should grant an additional sum of 2,000l., making in all 3,000l. This would increase the accommodation from sixty-nine to one hundred beds, which from calculation appeared to them sufficient to answer the wants of the metropolis. In recommending this grant, the committee were fully aware, that it was in general better to leave the relief of distress to private charity; but, in a case like the present, where a disease originating in the dwellings of the poor spread rapidly, and affected all classes of society, it became necessary to Lose no time in arresting the progress of contagion. He should at present merely move that the Report be printed. Ordered.

EDUCATION OF THE POOR BILL.] Mr. Brougham, in moving the third reading of this Bill, said, he wished to mention a circumstance which he had not stated in the former discussion. The bill itself only went to inquiry and report: but, unquestionably, it was his intention, after the inquiry had been gone into, to ground farther legislative proceedings on it; and it was not in his plan to wait till the whole inquiry was gone into. As soon as one report was received, which must be in six months by the act, if he should not enter on any general measure respecting the planting of schools or otherwise, he should at any rate, ground on the first report such measures as might be necessary in aid of the law. It would be a very feeble remedy for so great an evil to send all these abuses to a court of equity.-The Bill was then read a third time, and passed.

BREACH OF PRIVILEGE THOMAS FERGUSON REPRIMANDED.] Lord A.

"Thomas Ferguson; This House having received the report from the committee of privileges, respecting a letter writ ten by you to a voter of the county of Lanark, to influence his vote in the election of a member to serve in parliament, did resolve, that in writing and sending such letter you were guilty of a corrupt attempt to subvert the freedom and independence of election, and a high breach of the privileges of this House; and for that offence you were committed to his majesty's gaol of Newgate. Your petition has since been received; and in consideration of your full and entire acknowledgment of your offence, and of the contrition you have expressed for it, and trusting that what you have already suffered will operate both as a warning to yourself and an example to others; this House is disposed to extend to you its lenity as far as is consistent with its justice; and now to relieve you from farther imprisonment: I am to acquaint you, you are discharged, upon payment of your fees."

Ordered, nem. con., That what has been now said by Mr. Speaker in reprimanding Thomas Ferguson, be entered on the Journals of this House.

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suetude had proceeded upon the authority of the opinions and decisions of the judges and first legal characters of that part of the empire. He certainly thought there was sufficient ground for the introduction of a bill to remedy the evil, without calling for the statement moved for by the right hon. baronet. At any rate, the words" or consider," should be left out of the motion.

such a power was exercised by the lords of session, that no man from that part of the country could be ignorant of it. Now, as it was important that the people of Scotland, as well as the people of other parts of the empire, should know by what laws they were bound, and for that purpose that they should look to the Statutebook, and not to the proceedings of courts of judicature, it was important to know what laws were, and what were not, in Mr. Abercromby said it was a most imdesuetude. This was important, not portant question, whether courts should merely to the people of Scotland, but also continue a practice by which they could to the people of the other parts of the silently subvert the laws of parliament, empire who might have connexions with and that the judges should consider whe them. One ground that was stated for a ther laws were or were not in desuelaw's not being acted on was so extraordi- tude, and no longer binding. This matter nary, that it could not fail to astonish the was fit for parliamentary consideration, House: a law was considered as in desue- As to bringing in a bill upon it, he must tude, and no longer binding, when for a say, he thought it essential to have, first, long time it had not been acted on; so the necessary returns, in order to know that in proportion as a statute had been what laws had, and what had not, been operative in the prevention of crime, in considered as having fallen into desuetude. that proportion was it to be considered a With that knowledge, the House would nullity. It was stated farther, that in be competent to found some proceeding. some particular instances, some parts of It was quite a parliamentary usage to inan act were in desuetude while other parts quire of the judges for information which were in force. Whatever opinion might they were the best enabled to afford. As be entertained of the absurdity of some of to the words " or considered," he thought the Scotch statutes, it belonged to the they should remain in the motion, as legislature, and to the legislature alone, to meaning that the judges were called upon repeal the law; and if a court of law to consider and state what laws they had thought fit to erect themselves into a le- declared in desuetude, and the principles gislature, it was full time to warn them on which they so held them. It appeared that they had exceeded their duty. He right, for the sake both of the judges and concluded with moving, " That the Lords of the House, that the principles of the of Session, the Judges of the court of Jus-regulations of the courts should be stated. ticiary, and Barons of the Exchequer of Scotland, be directed to cause to be made out and presented to the House of Commons, within six weeks after the commencement of the ensuing Session of Parliament, a Statement of such parts of the Statute Law of Scotland, or of the United Kingdom, as the courts of justice of Scotland have declared or considered to be in desuetude, and no longer binding on the people of that part of the United Kingdom; together with a statement of the authorities on which they have grounded such decisions."

Mr. Bathurst admitted, that it must appear strange to the ears of Englishmen, that in any part of these kingdoms there should exist a doubt as to the effect and operation of the existing statutes of the realm. That part of the statutes of Scotland were in desuetude could not be denied, although it had already appeared, that the assumption that they were in de

Mr. W. Dundas thought that the motion would throw a great deal of trouble upon the court of session. Part of the information required was desirable, but it might be obtained in a less objectionable way.

In a

Lord A. Hamilton said, it was worthy of the serious consideration of parliament, how far a court of justice should be suffered to set aside the written law by its mere arbitrary authority. It seemed extraor dinary that judges should decide, as cases happened to arise, whether acts of parliament were in force or were not. late case, the burgesses of Aberdeen clearly showed that they had a right, by acts of parliament, to elect their magistrates. But the counsel on the other side argued, and the judges were of opinion, that long-continued usage had thrown those acts into desuetude. It was usage versus an act of parliament, and usage carried the day. At the same time, it would not be right to pass an act to de

clare all acts not repealed to be still in force; for decisions founded on the desuetude of several acts would, in that case, be unsettled. But inquiry was necessary, and some suitable remedy was much called for. In England, the old law of appeal of murder had lately occupied much of the public attention. The judges had declared, that the trial by battle was the law of the land. There was no one who heard him who did not regret that this was the law; but no one would therefore say, that the judges had the power of annulling the law. The great city of Aberdeen had been disfranchised, and Edinburgh, the capital of Scotland, was likely to be disfranchised, and to be without representatives in parliament, owing to the desuetude of acts of parliament, and the doctrine that longcontinued abuses constituted a right.

Lord Binning said, that one part of the motion was unnecessary, and that the return to the other was impossible. The judges were called on to say, what laws had been decided to be in desuetude. To this a cumbrous return must be made, which. would be altogether unnecessary, as the facts could be ascertained by any other persons. But they were also directed to say what laws they would consider to be in desuetude. Now this it was impossible for the judges to anticipate, without the hearing of counsel and evidence. He should therefore object to the motion, as a declaratory law might be brought in.

Mr. J. P. Grant said, that the doctrine of desuetude was established by all the writers on the law of Scotland, as well as by the decisions of the courts. This, however, inferred no legislative authority in the court of session. It was indeed extremely inconsistent with the English administration of justice, and with the vigilance that was now exercised over courts of law. But it was borrowed from the law of Rome, when Rome was in the highest splendor of its liberty. It was a principle in the Roman law, that all laws derived their authority from the people; the popular consent was either tacit or expressed: as tacit consent constituted law, so tacit consent was held to abrogate law. It was, however, a state of the law deserving attention, Some legislative measure should be applied to this subject in the present day, when so much attention was bestowed upon the administration of law, and the state of courts of justice. The motion of his right hon. friend, whose

able and unwearied attention to matters of this kind did himself so much honour, and his country so much service, went only to obtain the state of the fact, in order to lay a proper foundation for their future deliberations. The expression in the motion, " or consider," he objected to, and recommended to be left out. The only other objection that could be started was, that the motion would give much trouble to the learned judges; but this was not to be put in competition with the public service.

Mr. Boswell thought that some remedy was immediately called for, if the law was, as it had been said to be, a trap, and not a guide for the people. If the judges could not tell what laws were in desuetude, till counsel were heard as to each particular law, how could the people know what the law of the land was? It was from want of attention to the progress of society, that laws came to be in such a situation. Some of the laws were, at the same time, most abominably tyrannical. Lord Thurlow had decided, in the case of the church livings in Scotland, that long usage, which implied the consent of the people, had set aside the statute law. He congratulated the people of Scotland on the inquiry now originated. He hoped it would lead to the appointment of a commission, and that the result would be an act of parliament, taking away from the court of session the power of declaring any act in desuetude.

Mr. Wynn approved of the motion. He thought it quite as much a matter of course that the House should, in some way or other, inquire into the laws of Scotland which had fallen into desuetude, as into the expired and expiring laws of this country.

Lord Castlereagh said, there were many ways open of obtaining this information. It could be had either by a committee of the House, or by a commission appointed by the Crown. The worst possible way was, to call on the judges, and require from them opinions in their chamber, which they afterwards, on hearing counsel and witnesses, might depart from in their judicial capacity. The proceeding, either by a committee or commission, would certainly be inoperative at this late period of the session: he thought, therefore, that the subject ought to be postponed.

Sir S. Romilly said, that to that part of the motion which required an account of the laws which had been decided to have

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