sides being ruinous to our manufactures. A spirit of false honour was created which it was most difficult to cope with: the present bill held out a temptation to all such combinations by exciting petitions, and promising little work and high wages. But the House ought to know that these petitions were obtained by disorderly workmen meeting at public-houses, and forming themselves into central committees. The purpose of those who petitioned for the bill was to reduce the hours in order to increase the wages of labour. This, certainly, would be the first of its effects. But he besought the House to consider where they would stop if they interfered in the present instance. Every other class of manufacturers would come forward with their demands, and the regulation introduced in this case could not be refused in others. The principle now introduced would extend to all. There was no peculiarity in the case of the cotton-spinners that did not extend to other manufactories. The linen and the woollen manufactories would require a similar regulation. He had been in some woollen manufactories, and he found no other difference between them and those now under consideration, except that in the former a greater quantity of oil was used, and of course there was a much worse smell. With regard to the linen manufactories, there could be no reason why they should not be regulated as well as the cotton, except that in the latter case the yarn was exported, and in the former not, a distinction which might soon cease by such a violent interference with labour as the present bill would in principle authorize. Any person who considered the subject would see that the same abuses, if abuses existed, were to be found in all our manufactories, and, therefore, that they ought all to be regulated on the principle which would admit an interference with one. It was impossible to draw a distinguishing line between them. Mr. Wilbraham Bootle wished to say only a few words. His attention had been long turned to the subject before the House, and he zealously supported the bill. The petitioners for its passing had great weight with him, and should have great influence on the House. The hon. gentleman had endeavoured to make an impression upon the House, by seeming to insinuate that the petitions in favour of this bill proceeded from some discontented manufacturers, or from the rivalry of the woollen manufacturers. This, however, could not have been the case with respect to the petition from Manchester, for it was signed by the clergy and by the medical men of the town, all of whom concurred in representing the length of time employed in labour as inconsistent with the health of the children. The statements against the bill came from people whose interests were opposed to it, while those who supported it by their petitions and representations from without, could have no interest but those of humanity to serve. The hon. gentleman spoke of the effect that the measure might have in increasing population, and creating paupers. This was an evil not to be dreaded, or at least was to be compensated by the good that it would produce. The 1,800 petitioners who supported it were so disinterested as to give it their concurrence, though if, as had been stated, all children under 16 years of age should by this Bill be thrown out of employment, these gentlemen were in fact promoting a measure which would throw a very great additional burthen upon the poor laws, to be defrayed by themselves. Much had been said about the danger of interfering with labour as a general principle: but the House had already during this session interfered with labour in the case of the Chimney sweepers bill, which had passed as it were, by acclamation; and therefore it ought, in consistency, to sacrifice the objections which were brought from this source. The hon. gentleman read some of the clauses of that bill, and contended that, as the principle of interfering with labour had been al ready acted upon, it was inconsistent now to object to it, because the objects of that benevolent interference were at a distance of 2 or 300 miles. Mr. W. Smith entered fully into the discussion of the principle of the bill, stated the reasons which called for some legislative enactment, detailed the evidence taken by the committee in support of the present, produced the opinions of physicians against the system pursued in cotton factories, answered the objections of the opponents of the bill, and gave the measure his warmest support. He agreed with his hon. friend on the impropriety and danger of giving the slightest countenance to combinations among the labouring classes; but the best and most legislative way of preventing such combinations was to remedy their just com protected by the bill now did. It was a fact which appeared in evidence, and could not be contradicted, that 'the cotton spinners of Preston had agreed dur ploy their children only 13 hours a day. His right hon. friend, who said every thing he did say with great talent, had excited a laugh at the supposition that Hygeia would take up her abode in a cotton manufactory; but he had not stated the case so strongly as he might have done. Here the hon. gentleman entered into some statements of the comparative number of deaths between the ages of 8 and 20, in different places and different professions. After a long and minute examination of the different objections to the bill, the hon. gentleman concluded by giving it his warmest support. plaints. He also agreed with his hon. friend in the great importance he attached to our cotton manufactures, but did not think that he was right in his apprehensions of the injury which the present billing the discussion of this measure to emwould produce with regard to them. He concurred with him, generally, on the impropriety of interfering with labour on indefinite grounds; but here was something tangible and definite, in regulating the age at which persons might enter the cotton factories, and the number of hours which they should work each day. Into the consideration of what was the proper or the exact number of hours he would not now enter. He would put it generally ought persons under the age of 12 to be employed from 13 hours and a half to 15 hoors a day in a cotton factory; and was it not injurious to their health and growth to be so employed? He did object to the employment of children; but was it fitting that they should be confined to labour in a close manufactory, longer than adults in agricultural labour or in other healthy employments. They had only three quarters of an hour allowed for their dinner time, and if they staid five minutes beyond their time, were compelled to work a quarter of an hour longer at night. His hon. friend had said, that the care of their children ought to be left to the parents, who would not allow them to work longer than was conducive to their welfare; but in using such an argument he had forgotten that the parents confessed their inability of themselves to limit their labour, by applying to the House in their petitions for the passing of the present bill. Much had been said of the means employed to procure these petitions, and of the representations put forth to influence the decisions of the House. But it ought to be recollected, that if representations were made on the one side, they were likewise made on the other, and that too by persons who had more weight than those unprotected individuals, and an apparently greater interest to stimulate their zeal. The evidence of physicians and others, who having no personal interest to serve, could not be supposed to have a wrong bias, was in favour of legislative interference. All the members of the faculty, from Machaon down to doctor Solomon, would be found to declare, that children of the age alluded to, could not, without injury to their health, work so long in factories as children meant to be Mr. Finlay protested against the introduction of fresh evidence after the inquiry before the committee had closed. The right hon. gentleman had brought forward a most extraordinary witnessthe goddess of health; but unfortunately she proved nothing in his favour; he had probably found that she could not reside in the factory with which the right hon. gentleman had been connected. He was ready to admit that the number of hours consumed by children in labour was too great-and he would even acknowledge that it was fully competent for the legis lature to interfere in correcting the evil; but he feared that the remedy proposed would not be attended with that salutary effect: he feared that it was worse than the disease, for it would drive people from an healthy to an unhealthy employment. He was convinced that if the bill were passed into a law, it would have the effect of driving children from a state of comparative ease and happiness to one of severity and hardship. The measure had been supported by some petitions, and those were in favour of it-in particular from the work-people in Mr. Owen's manufactory. Mr. Owen, it appeared, had, probably with a good view to his own interest, consented to reduce the hours of labour to ten and a half.-It was very natural that the labourers in that manufactory should desire that their brethren elsewhere should share an equal advantage, and no less so, that Mr. Owen should desire to have other manufacturers equally limited; but if the hours of labour were thus abridged, he could assure great mischief, he should most decidedly vote for the noble lord's amendment. Mr. J. Smith said, it was with reluctance he differed from so many friends to whose opinions he was always inclined to submit, but he felt himself obliged to do so on the present occasion. He had been long enough in the House to remember the arguments urged against the abo the planters was called a measure of inhumanity and mischief, and yet was now admitted to be one of the greatest blessings that had ever flowed from parliament. He contended, that the important allegation in the petition of the workmen of Mr. Owen had not been contradicted, viz. that in the shorter time of work they were able to spin quite as much cotton as when they laboured a greater number of hours in the day. In Mr. Owen's factory at New Lanark, the people did as much in ten hours and a half as was done by any other factory, in fifteen. The reason was, that knowing they were not required to work beyond their strength, they went about it with more cheerfulness and alacrity. The petition in question had been put into his hands by the individuals who had drawn it up, and a more modest or respectable body of men he never saw. In supporting the bill, he acted merely from motives of conscience and conviction, opposing the opinions of many most respectable individuals to whom he was under great obligations, and who had made many powerful representations to him on the subject. the House, that this country could no longer enjoy her present superiority in manufactures in the foreign markets. He hoped they would not, by acting on a principle of mistaken humanity, and without having sufficiently investigated the subject, endanger the national prosperity. On such a principle the poor laws were originally founded, and the results had been distress and confusion wholly unpa-lition of the Slave trade which at first, by ralleled. It had been asked when those laws were first introduced "who could refuse charity to the poor?" but if but a hundredth part of the evil consequences which had resulted from that measure had been then anticipated, its framers would have shrank from the task which their humanity had suggested. In a great many instances the bill would compel the master-spinners to dismiss all persons between the ages of 9 and 16 years, and those poor children would be thrown upon the world without means of support, for no poor-rate could be competent to their maintenance. He insisted that the children employed in the cotton factories were more healthy than in many other employments, and he referred to the evidence to show that this was the uniform opinion of practical men; theo retical speculations were comparatively of little value. He put it to the House, whether, with the contradictory testimony before it, it was prepared to legislate upon the subject to regulate free labour, and to interpose between the father and his child? There was an inconsistency in the hon. baronet's conduct, which was, that in limiting the time of labour for free children, he made no provision for apprentices, whom he still left, under the provisions of his own former act, to work 12 hours a day; so that while the present measure was endeavouring to limit the time of work for free children to 11 hours, the masters or parents had only to bind them as apprentices, and they could then, under the apprentice act, compel them to work for twelve hours a day. He could not conceive the motive of the pre-looked upon it not in that point of view, sent bill, unless, indeed, the hon. baronet's own manufactories were all worked by apprentices. He believed that the hon. baronet meant very well, but he executed very ill; he found no fault with his motives but with his measure. After having given the subject his fullest consideration, and being convinced that the bill not only would not produce any advantage, but would absolutely create (VOL. XXXVIII. ) Mr. Robinson conceived, that the ques> tion was one surrounded with many difficulties. He was always of opinion that the less the legislature interfered in regulating matters of trade and commerce, the better it would be for the country; but he did not mean to deny, that there where cases where it might be proper to interfere. One strong objection which lay to this bill was, not the effect which it might have upon one branch of trade, for he but that by it the House might be driven to a principle of interfering in the regulation of all other branches-a course, in his opinion, which would by no means be of service to the country. In examining the difficulties which lay on both sides of the bill, he thought that to justify legislative interference a strong case should be made out. With this impression he had determined to hear the subject discussed (2 B) before he decided; and now, after it had been fully, fairly, and coolly discussed, he conceived that a case had been made out to justify the proposed interference. The admissions of those who opposed the bill were in themselves sufficient to warrant this conclusion. To him it appeared, that the tender ages of the children, and the long time at which they were kept at work, were sufficient to diminish their health, and shorten their lives. Indeed, the circumstance that few persons were seen in the manufactories over forty-years of age, was a proof that their strength had been wast. ed before they arrived at maturity. If the bill went directly to interfere in the labour of adults, he thought it would be objectionable; but it would be going too far to say, that by protecting the children the adults might be incidentally interfered with and that therefore the children should be left as they were. That would be establishing the position, that there was no possible case, however strong it might be where interference could be justified. This was his conviction on the subject of the bill, and he thought it right to state it before the question went to the vote. equity, when the bill should come into the committee. The Chancellor of the Exchequer agreed that the committee was the proper stage for entertaining the motion. It related to a distinct clause, which might, if it should be the pleasure of the House, be struck out without prejudicing the other parts of the enactment. Mr. Grenfell now wished to put a question to the right hon. gentleman on a point with respect to which a great deal of doubt and some agitation had lately prevailed. It was desirable that it should be clearly understood, whether the subscribers to the new loan would be at liberty to fund any part of their respective portions, accord ing to their own convenience or discretion or whether no option was left but that of finding the whole or none. The Chancellor of the Exchequer admitted that the question put by the hon. gen tleman was perfectly clear and intelligible, and felt happy in being enabled to give him an immediate explanation. The provisions of the bill were certainly intended to secure to every subscriber the option of finding either the whole or a part of the proportional amount of exchequer bills lire-mited by the terms of the original contract. The House then divided: Ayes, 91. Noes, 26. The House accordingly solved into the committee, in which Mr. Finlay protested against any farther proceeding upon the bill this night, after having been occupied in the discussion for so many hours, and expressed his resolution to avail himself of the forms of the House to give the bill every obstruction in his power. Mr. Lambton observed, that the objection as to the discussion for a few hours came with a very ill grace from those who were so indifferent about the laborious occupation of children for so many hours each day. After some desultory conversation, it was agreed that the chairman should report progress and ask leave to sit again. LOAN BILL.] On the motion for the second reading of this bill, Mr. Grenfell observed, that as he understood an agreement had been entered into between the right hon. gentleman and the Bank, by which the Bank were to receive 800. upon each million of money deposited by the subscribers to the loan, and 400/. upon each million of exchequer bills, he wished to give notice, if this information was correct, that he should oppose this arrangement as an extravagant grant, without any foundation in justice or Mr. Grenfell was anxious to obtain some information from the right hon. gentleman on another topic relative to the loan, upon which great uncertainty at present prevailed. The time was at hand for paying in 15 per cent on the new stock, and he understood that the Bank refused to those who wished to transfer from the 3 per per cents, the favour of so doing unless in their own names. Now it was well known that many eminent merchants, and other individuals, had large sums vested in the name of their bankers, and it was obvious, therefore, that this regulation on the part of the Bank must be productive of much inconvenience. What he was desirous of ascertaining was, whether the right hon. gentleman intended to support the Bank in their adherence to this regu lation. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that a complaint of this nature had reached him shortly before he entered the House. The rule adopted by the Bank was, he believed, to require either the actual signature of the proprietor, or a warrant of attorney to the exclusion of the mere representation of a third party. It appeared to him that this principle was quite regular, as the subject now presented itself, but it might be expedient in the committee to frame some provision with a view of meeting this difficulty. The Bill was read a second time. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Tuesday, April 28. REPORT OF THE NORTHERN CIRCUIT COMMITTEE.] Mr. M. A. Taylor in bringing up a Report from the Northern Circuit Committee, begged to call the attention of the House to the importance of this subject. It would be found that individuals had remained in prison eight, ten, and even eleven months, before they were brought to trial, in the four northern counties of Northumberland, Durham, Westmoreland, and Cumberland. Of these persons, many had been at last acquitted. It was unnecessary for him to attempt to influence the feelings of the House by any observations on the effects of such a practice, which involved so lamentable and so disgraceful a failure in the administration of public justice. It would be seen by the petition from Norwich, that there had been cases in which persons had been kept two years in prison without being brought to trial. It would appear that It the business of the four northern counties was very great; that causes had stood two or three years for want of time to try them, and that remanets greatly increased. The proofs were too voluminous for printing, but an abstract of them was given. would be found, that of eight special cases six remained untried, though all the witnesses were brought up, and all the expenses incurred. He was well aware that objections to improvements would be started from quarters which did not choose to look the evil in the face. But he should feel it his duty to persevere to the best of his poor abilities, in order to bring the question before the serious consideration and determination of parliament. The committee, after due consideration, had recommended a division of the four northern counties. Even at York, last session, six official warrants and three common causes stood over. The northern counties, in business, exceeded that of the western and Oxford circuits. The committee, however, agreed that only the es tablished judges of the land should be sent on the commissions, as the business ought certainly to be entrusted tono other hands. He had heard indeed of a proposal to send down a commission with a serjeant at the head of it; but he looked at such a measure as delusive, and as a merely temporary remedy. He considered it to be the duty of the government to look at the matter carefully, as they had the best means of advice, having at their command, for consultation, the lord-chancellor, the judges, and the law-officers of the crown. He would leave this question for some weeks to government and the House to take a proper view of it. If they did not, he should take the liberty of proposing an address to the Prince Regent for the adoption of some measure to remedy so great and growing an evil. He was sure the feelings and justice of the House would go along with him. The following is a copy of the said REPORT. The SELECT COMMITTEE appointed to consider whether any, and what steps may be necessary to be taken, to give to the Counties of Westmoreland, Cumberland, Northumberland, and Durham, and Town and County of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, the same advantages of Assizes twice in each year, as are now possessed by all the other Counties in England and Wales, and to report their observations thereupon to the House; and to whom the Petition of the Mayor, Sheriffs, Citizens and Commonalty of the City of Norwich; and also the Returns of the Calendars of the Prisoners, and of the Lists of Causes tried at the Assizes for the Counties before-mentioned, were referred;-Have, pursuant to the Order of the House, considered the same accordingly; and have agreed to the following Report: ferent papers laid before them by order of the Your Committee, on referring to the dif House, find, that for several years past, per sons charged in the four northern counties with offences, not ordinarily falling under the jurisdiction of the general quarter sessions, have continued in prison previous to their trial for seven, eight and nine months, and in many instances for a longer period of time; and tion of the House to so great a failure in the they cannot but direct the immediate attenadministration of criminal justice. The return of causes of the respective counties, with the exception of that of Westmorland, mark a large and progressive increase of civil business. In the marshal's paper at Carlisle, for the year 1814, no less than 80 records were delivered, of which four only appear to have been withdrawn; in the year 1815, cessive years averaged not less than 50. At 61 causes were entered; and the two suc Durham, in the year 1816, they amounted to 51; and in 1817, to 54. Northumberland (including the jurisdiction of the town and |