ation, and required the exercise of the utmost attention to the question, whether, it was possible to prevent illicit importation by any other means than the measure he had recommended. He should conclude by suggesting, that our own exertions in this cause, in our negotiations with the other powers of Europe, imposed upon us the additional task, with a view of completing the work in which we had so meritoriously engaged, of preventing, in future, all this improper intercourse between Africa and the West Indies.-The hon. gentleman then moved, "That there be laid before this House, Copies of all Laws passed in or for any British Colonies since the year 1812, and not already presented to this House, respecting the condition and treatment of Slaves, or the prevention of the illicit importation of Slaves; and also respecting the condition of the free coloured Population."

formly been, that no arrangement of naval, search could prevent continued importations, he could not regard himself as appearing singular in entertaining his present apprehensions. If he found this opinion now changed in the West Indies, was it not, under all the circumstances, a source of natural suspicion? With respect to the argument, that the prosecution, of the work had better be left to the colonial legislatures, he had not, when it was brought forward, felt so sanguine as many others in his expectations from that quarter. He had, notwithstanding, assented to the propriety of leaving it to them to make the experiment, and of waiting to see the result of their several endeavours. The object of his present motion was, to obtain information as to what had been done in conformity with this arrangement. It might be said, that these proceedings ought still to be left to the voluntary zeal and to the efforts of the affluent and liberal members of the West India body: but it had ever been to him a subject of deep regret and continued disappointment, to see that more enlightened portion of the colonial interest making common cause with classes of a different description. He had always distinguished, in his own mind, these separate orders of that great society; had always ascribed many of the evils he deplored to the absence of the larger proprietors; and had earnestly wished to see them acting and thinking for themselves, in the introduction of reform and gradual amelioration. When, however, it was known, that the recommendations of such men as Mr. Ellis and Mr. Barham had failed to make any impression on the coJonial assemblies, he could place no firm dependence, except on the legislation of the mother country, and could put his trust in no other guarantee than one which should render the commission of the offence impracticable without detection and punishment. This he thought would be the operation of an act for establishing a registry of slaves in our West India colonies by authority of parliament. The House would see, when the papers for which he intended to move were presented, what had been done; and he hoped they would remember, that it was their duty to watch over the interests of a million and a half of beings who were at length recognised as their fellow-creatures. Their condition and their claims were entitled to the most serious consider

Mr. Goulburn assured the hon. member, that nothing could be more gratifying to his feelings than to promote any measure which had for its object the bettering the condition of the slaves, and the prevention of any farther clandestine importation. He felt what the country already owed to the exertions of that hon. member on this subject, and he assured him, that if he ever had had occasion to differ from him on the subject of illicit importation, it had not arisen from an opposition to his principle, for he admitted fully the right of the British parliament to interfere but from a wish to conciliate all the West India proprietors, and to show them by a mild system how very much it was their interest to adopt measures tending to the same object which the hon. mover had in view. To the measure of a registration he was not hostile, but he believed the, object would be best accomplished by first conciliating the good disposition of the colonists to its introduction. It were better, in his judgment, to have a measure less perfect, with the acquiescence and cordial support of those who were to execute it, than a more perfect measure, opposed by their prepossessions against it. He had ever thought that the abolition of the Slave trade must be the first point from which an amelioration in the condition of the slaves must flow. The sense of their own interests would induce the planters to look to the well-being of their slaves. From the ruin in which the planters, during the commercial embarrassments of the last war, were involved, it was

actually impossible to pay the attention that was due to that part of their interests, but now that the fortunate change of circumstances promised the most prosperous results, he did believe that the day was not far distant when such a change would take place in the condition of the black population of the colonies as would be most beneficial to them, and highly honourable to the character of this country. Mr. Marryat concurred in opinion, that the best means to make the colonies see their own interests in the treatment of the slaves was, to cut off all farther supplies. This had been the practice of every nation where slavery had been carried on, and was afterwards abolished. At the same time he thought that the conduct of the colonists needed not any stimulus at present in the treatment of their slaves. Their conduct praise-worthy as it must be admitted to be, was a direct answer to all the calumnies which had been used against them for so long a period. This would, he had no doubt be made apparent from the perusal of the papers moved for.

&

Mr. W. Smith thought the hon. gentleman might have spared his reproaches even if they were well founded, at a time when all sides were disposed to congratulate each other on the prospect of success in their endeavours on this subject. In reviewing the conduct of himself and the other abolitionists, who persevered to the accomplishment of that great measure, he never would accept or acknowledge the imputation of having dealt in either inflammatory or calumnious language.

The motion was agreed to.

Mr. Wilberforce, before he proposed his next motion, was anxious to state, that he felt as strongly as his hon. friend (Mr. Goulburn), the beneficial effects of having allied to their cause, the good will of the masters of the slaves. But he should not act honestly, if he did not declare his jealousy on that point. He was an old soldier in this warfare. His hon. friend was much younger, and youth was the season of confidence. It was under the influence of experience also, that he received with indifference the imputations of the hon. member to which his hon. friend who spoke last, adverted. Indeed, when he heard such observations advanced in that quarter, he always attributed them to the situation the hon. gentleman held. He could not, however, agree with him, that the supply of foreign negroes was entirely cut off in the West Indies. He

believed he could point out instances of recent importation. It was never his opinion that the simple abolition of the Slave trade would afford a sufficient remedy. Neither did he now think that the registration, important and necessary as it was, would wholly remove the abuse. He knew that he had been considered too moderate by many. Indeed, his deceased friend, the late Mr. Dundas, had gone the length of proposing to emancipate all slaves born after the year 1800. This he should have had no objection to, but he thought it more advisable to proceed by the means he had done. He then moved for, "Copies or Extracts of such Accounts as have been received from the said Colonies respectively since 1807, and have not been hitherto laid before this House, showing the increase and decrease of the number of Slaves; and also of the free coloured and white Population; also, the present numbers of the above classes and as far as the same can be given, the changes in the relative proportion of Males and Fe males in the Slave Population."

6

The motion was agreed to; as were also motions for; " Copies or Extracts of all Acts passed in furtherance of the objects of the Address of this House, of June 19, 1816, That his Royal Highness would be pleased to recommend, in the strongest Imanner, to the local authorities in the respective colonies, to carry into effect any measure which may tend to promote the moral and religious improvement, as 'well as the comfort and happiness of the "negroes:" And "Copies of all executive and Judicial Proceedings held in any of the said colonies, connected with, or in furtherance of, the objects of the said Address; together with copies or extracts of all such correspondence relative to the said objects as may be communicated without detriment to the public service."

MOTION RESPECTING THE TREATMENT OF SLAVES IN DOMINICA.] Sir Samuel Romilly said, he rose to make the motion of which, a few evenings since, he had given notice, in order that the House might authentically be put in possession of certain information that had come to his knowledge, with respect to the condition of slaves in the West Indies. They had often been told of efforts made by persons in the colonies, for the purpose of ameliorating the condition of the slave population. But of what avail were laws, if they were not carried into effect? He believed his state

ment would clearly prove, that the laws which had been made in the colonial assemblies, for the relief of the slaves, had not been acted upon. It was very possible, that, in the course of the facts he should detail to the House, some inaccuracies might be pointed out; but he hoped he should not, therefore, fall under the censure of the gentlemen opposite, since he had taken the utmost pains to make himself acquainted with the truth. If, therefore, any incorrectnesses were observable, he could conscientiously say, that he was perfectly innocent of willingly promulgating it. He would not on this or any other occasion advance what the hon. gentleman opposite (Mr. Goulburn) denominated inflammatory statements. He should rather under-rate, instead of exaggerating, the information which he had received. There were already some papers before the House, connected with the subject; but he was anxious that all the evidence which could be obtained should be submitted to parliament. The documents to which he alluded he had moved for late in the last session. They were important, but they did not embrace the whole question. He had so worded his motion, for the production of the other papers, as in his opinion, to leave no ground for objecting to it. His motion would be for copies and extracts of certain papers in the office of the secretary of state for the colonial department, leaving it of course, to the proper officer to select such documents, or parts of documents, the production of which would not injure the public service.

limited by the law. This bill was thrown out by the grand jury. Another case was that in which John M'Corry, esq. was charged with having, with cords, whips, sticks, and rods, immoderately scourged and flogged his slave, Jemmy, who, it was stated, had been guilty of drunkenness, quarrelling, fighting, neglect of duty, absence from labour, or absence from the plantation, without a written pass. This bill also was thrown out. A third case was (and a most horrible one it was) that of Alexander le Guay, of the said island, planter, who was charged with having assaulted his female slave, named Jeanton, and that he did confine the said Jeanton in an iron chain, by affixing and fastening the same with padlocks in and upon the neck, arms, and legs, of the said Jeanton, such punishment not being prescribed in and by a certain act of that island in such case made and provided; and it was farther charged, that the said Alexander le Guay maimed, defaced, mutilated, and cruelly tortured the said Jeanton, by fracturing, and causing to be fractured, her arm. This bill likewise was thrown out. But not contented with this, the grand jury thought fit to declare, that these several indictments were nothing more nor less than nuisances. Their words, as appeared by the return made to the House, were these: "The grand jury have farther to present the dangerous consequences which are likely to occur from the number of indictments for unmerited punishments inflicted on negroes by their owners, managers, or employers, which have been laid before them this day, unsupported by any evidence whatsoever; on the contrary, it appeared from the evidence, that in some of the cases the negroes merited the punishment they received." This presentment was dated Dominica, grand jury room, the 4th day of February, 1817: and was signed by John Gordon, foreman. In consequence of these proceedings, the attorney-general (W. W. Glanville) had thought it expedient to have recourse to informations, ex-officio, considering it not right to trust to grand juries again. [Hear, hear !]

He should now proceed to a detail of the facts which induced him to submit this proposition to the House. In the spring of the year 1817, several cases came before the grand jury of Dominica, in which it appeared that great cruelty had been exercised on the persons of slaves, by their masters. The first of them was a case in which John Baptiste Louis Birmingham, doctor of medicine, was charged with having, violently, cruelly, and immoderately scourged and flogged certain slaves, the property of and belonging to the said John Baptiste Louis Birmingham. If the slaves had been guilty of the misdemeanors with which they were charged, they were liable to 39 lashes; but they were not found guilty, and yet, as soon as they were acquitted, they were brought out into the public market-place, and underwent the penalties

The House had heard the nature of the offences with which the parties was charged, but, in each case the persons were acquitted. Now it were well known that, in England, the information of an attorney-general was regarded as an odious measure; but it appeared that, in

leaving him merely room to walk, whilst he is driven on to work by cattle whips, and other modes of castigation." [Hear, hear!] In this view of the case, it was most important to observe, that the king has the power of mitigating all sentences of punishment in this country, except those which are founded on an impeachment by the Commons; but, in the island of Dominica, the prerogative is limited by the power of the masters. [Hear, hear!] If the evils that existed in the administration of the laws in the colonies could be remedied, it was right that that should be done as soon as possible. If it were possible that there could be any check given to grand juries and to petty juries in Dominica, it was proper that that should be given. He confessed that he was not able himself to suggest any remedy, and he was disposed to think that no remedy could be procured but by the interference of the British legislature, and by their imposing a duty upon persons in the island, unconnected with the island, having no local tie to it, and comparatively without interest in it, to cause them to maintain the laws. The only effective remedy, in his opinion, would be that which had been recommended by Mr. Burke to Mr. Dundas, and published in his posthumous works, which was, to constitute the attorney-general in every island guardian of the slaves, to make it an essential part of his duty to interpose between the master and the slave when there should be a necessity. By such a regulation, it would become their duty to see that the slaves were properly treated.

Dominica, the attorney-general deemed it an expedient measure for the protection of the black population of the island. He was sure that the House could not but be sensible of the necessity of affording the greatest encouragement to the government of these islands to take the slaves under their protection. The laws were beneficent-but what availed the laws, when the unhappy slaves could not avail themselves of them? Neither the slave, nor his family, nor friends, could obtain any redress against the cruelties of his master. The slave was cruelly treated, and the public sympathized with the master. It was the duty of the government to protect the laws, and, without that protection, no security could be afforded. He was disposed to speak kindly of the West-Indian legislatures; but he would ask again, to what purpose were such laws enacted, if they were not observed? There was a general concurrence in opinion in the West India islands, that nothing was more improper than to interfere between master and slave: it was thought to have a tendency to excite a disposition on the part of the slaves to revolt. This, he believed, was the general impression; but he should be glad to find that he was mistaken. The object of his motion was, to confine the inquiry to the island of Dominica; and he was sure that such an opinion prevailed there. In the island of Dominica, there was a species of punishment called "the public chain ;" and, if any master thought that his slave had offended, he had a right to send him to that punishment. Men, boys, and even girls of the most tender age, had been subjected to this mode of torture; and the governor found that he could not interfere. The governor, willing to alleviate the sufferings of these wretched people, consulted the attorney-general, who gave an opinion, that he had no right to remit the punishment awarded by the master. It appeared that, in the island of St. Domingo, the slaves were liable to be sent to the public chain, and from a work which he then held in his hand, the cruelties inflicted by this kind of punishment were described as follows: "The slave who has been found guilty of any misdemeanor shall be put into the workhouse, where his labours are much harder than in the usual course of employment; he is employed to dig, and to perform other difficult duties, with a chain fixed about his body, and attached to other culprits,

There was another thing which he thought necessary, though he did not say that it would be resorted to, he only thought it his duty to mention it, and that was, the legislation of this country for the colonies. The idea of that had excited great discontent. It had been said, that this country had not properly the power of legislating for her colonies. It was needless for him to state, that that had been already done in numerous instances. He might only mention, that it had been done in the act by which colonial property was made liable as assets for debt. He might refer to that series of political controversy that had taken place during the American war. It had been said, that England could not legislate for her colonies on the very principles of her own constitution, and that they ought to enjoy that constitution. Taking the matter, however,