England has endeavoured to atone to you for the wrongs which the error of one of her officers caused." The unfortunate gentleman was therefore to become the subject of no state-to be an eternal exile, and to forfeit the privilege of a Spaniard if, indeed, any privilege belonged to one -merely because England had attempted to do him justice, for the wrongs and sufferings which he had suffered at the hands of one of her officers. Such conduct on the part of the Spanish government, was unfriendly towards an ally, and not calculated to uphold amicable relations, and the individual who suffered by it, had a good right to claim redress from the government which had placed him in his present predicament.

Lord Castlereagh begged to state, that what had been done in error on the part of this country had been remedied, and Correa was placed in a better state than he had been before. He had been tried and condemned by a Spanish tribunal, but the sentence had not been executed in consequence of his having been sent back to Gibraltar. He was at liberty to leave the country without a passport, and a Spanish passport could only have the effect of recommending him to other states. Had it not been for what had taken place on the part of this country, he would, at the present moment, have been immured in a Spanish prison. The inconvenience from which he suffered arose from the view that had been taken of the subject by his own government.

Sir J. Mackintosh observed, that the ground of the refusal of the passport on the part of the Spanish government, had not been noticed by the noble lord. That ground was, that, in consequence of Correa having been claimed by the British government, he could not be considered as under Spanish protection.

Lord Castlereagh said, that the release of Correa from prison, had been the only act of interference on the part of the government of this country.

Mr. Brougham wished to ask the noble lord whether any efforts had been made to effect the restoration of those unhappy persons to liberty, who had fought the battles of Ferdinand, and were now confined in loathsome dungeons, almost in sight of a British garrison? He should abstain from using any severe epithets against that monarch, as they were so unpleasant to certain ears; but he wished to know whether any remonstrances had

been made, and with what effect, to what, out of compliment, he would call the liberal and enlightened policy of the grateful Ferdinand.

Lord Castlereagh answered, that such representations had been made to as great an extent as was prudent towards the individuals themselves. But the illjudged efforts and language of the hon. and learned gentleman might rather be expected to retard than obtain the object in view.

Mr. Brougham replied, that it was no fault of his if he had uttered what might be deemed bitter sarcasm. The odious nature of the case justified any language that might have been used.

Mr. Bennet expressed his conscientious belief, that unless the observations which the noble lord condemned had been made in that House, no effort would have proceeded from his majesty's government in behalf of the unfortunate individuals in question.

The Speaker said, it was quite unusual to bring up any petition praying for pecuniary relief without the previous consent of the Crown. In this petition the word money certainly was not mentioned, yet it came so near to a prayer for pecuniary aid, that he begged to call the attention of the House to the difficulty of admitting such a precedent.

The Petition was then read. On the question that it do lie on the table,

The Chancellor of the Exchequer objected to its being received, on the ground that the prayer directly implied pecuniary relief, which could not be given without the consent of the Crown.

Lord Cochrane was not astonished at what the right hon. gentleman had just said. He knew very well it was impossible for any body in opposition to his majesty's government or their allies, to obtain redress. It had long been clear, that the ungrateful Ferdinand had the power of persecuting at home those who had preserved for him his Crown, and it was now evident he could hand them over for farther persecution to his majesty's ministers. The petitioner claimed relief for the sufferings he had endured through the unjustifiable interference of a British officer, and now, through an inaccuracy in the wording of his petition, he was to be shut out from redress. It was clear that a man who fled from despotism could find no friend in any of his majesty's ministers. This parliament was, very hap

pily for the public, on the eve of being dissolved, and he sincerely hoped that the next would refuse to enact a standing order of this kind, which gave to the Crown a power to refuse redress to a suffering individual.

The Petition was then withdrawn.

LAND TAX ASSESSMENT IN WESTMORLAND.] Mr. Brougham, adverting to the circumstances which he had mentioned on Saturday, respecting the commissioners of the Land tax, said, he held in his hand an important document, dated the 23d of May, and signed and sealed by two respectable commissioners of the land tax in Westmorland. It appeared, that, instead of holding their first meeting as the act of parliament directed, on or before the 13th of April, they had delayed (from what motives he was not competent to judge) holding it until the 23d of May, when they issued an order, requiring that the assessments should not be made before the 27th of June. By this delay no voter could have his assessment corrected by the statutable means pointed out by act of parliament, in time to enable him to redeem his land tax. The names of the two commissioners were Christopher Wilson and John Hudson-the one a gentleman residing in the neighbourhood of Kendal, the other the vicar of that place. He by no means intended to impute improper objects to either of those two individuals, particularly to Mr. Hudson, who, it was very probable, had been practised upon by others. Nor, indeed, did he so with respect to Mr. Wilson: however, it was his duty to state, that he had been informed by respectable persons whose veracity, he believed, was unquestionable, that Mr. Wilson was the chairman of the principal election committee in that part of the county of Westmorland, for that party whose interests were manifestly to be benefited by a delay in the assessments, and that Mr. Hudson was a member of the same committee. This, certainly was rather an awkward coincidence, and led the mind to fancy that some connexion existed between the two circumstances. Nevertheless, as they were very respectable persons, he had no proposition to make to the House on the subject. He only hoped, that as the transaction had been noticed in the House, and as a decided opinion had been expressed as to its impropriety, the gentleman in question

would not persist in such conduct, but would confine themselves to the provisions of the statute, without assuming a discretion highly detrimental to one of the parties interested, and calculated to disfranchise a large body of qualified voters in the country. He was far from suspecting that the noble lord opposite or his colleague countenanced any such proceeding. He acquitted them of doing so, because he believed them incapable of such an act, and because it was a very weak act, and would eventually do more harm than good to the party from which it proceeded. He attributed it to the overzeal of those inferior agents whose exertions seldom did much benefit to those in whose cause they were displayed. however, he found that the conduct which he had thus exposed was persevered in, he should be under the painful necessity of bringing it under the distinct consideration of the House.

If,

Lord Lowther observed, that the application which had been made by several persons in the county of Westmorland to be assessed to the land tax was perfectly novel. He believed it was the only instance to be found in the kingdom of individuals soliciting to be taxed. With respect to the delay that had taken place in requiring the returns of the assessments, that was occasioned by the difficulty which the commissioners found in digesting the numerous acts respecting the land tax, and applying them to the district in question. He would confidently state that the commissioners of the land tax in Westmorland had exerted themselves with the greatest vigilance and activity. The noble lord also defended the conduct of Mr. Johnson, who was as respectable a solicitor as any in the county and on whom the hon. and learned geutleman had on Saturday made an unjustifiable attack. He could see in Mr. Johnson's application to the board of taxes, no infringement whatever of the privileges of that House.

Mr. Brougham said, he had not censured Mr. Johnson. On the contrary, he had declared that Mr. Johnson in what he had done, was only labouring in his vocation as an election agent. His observations were directed against the tax office, and his opinion was, that it exhibited an indecent appearance to see an election agent corresponding under that name with the board of taxes.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer con

tended, that the Tax office had done no more than their duty.

Mr. Wynn observed, that there were two points to be considered. With respect to the first, he could not agree with the noble lord that it was very novel or extraordinary for applications to be made to be assessed to the land tax. When the act was passed for allowing the redemption of the land tax, a special clause was introduced in it, giving freeholders the power in question, thereby qualifying themselves for voters. It was the bounden duty of the commissioners to afford all possible facilities on this subject. Any intentional delay in doing so would be highly criminal, and if brought before the House and established, it would be the duty of the House to punish it with severity. Whether such had been the case in the present instance he knew not; that would be for the consideration of an election committee above stairs, should the question ever be brought before them. As to the other point, he confessed he did not see it in the light in which it was viewed by the hon. and learned gentleman. Whether Mr. Johnson was an election agent or not, he was entitled to the information for which he applied, although perhaps he might have been mistaken as to the body to which the application was made; and as to the Tax office, he agreed with the right hon. gentleman, that they had done nothing but their duty.

Sir J. Graham observed, that the land tax commissioners had been more vigilant and active in Westmorland, than in any other part of the kingdom; and he was persuaded, that if their conduct were investigated, it would be found, that they had done their duty.

Mr. Waldegrave hoped, that what had occurred would induce the next parliament to feel the necessity of some legislative enactment on the subject.

Here the conversation dropped.

REGENCY ACT AMENDMENT BILL.] Lord Castlereagh, in moving the second reading of this bill, thought it right to open shortly the object of the bill. He would, therefore, simply explain the provisions of the measure, without entering into any argument upon them. The bill divided itself into two branches. The first was, to ensure the more facile execution of the trust confided in her majesty, on the policy and propriety of which he conceived no difference of opinion could H

exist. The enactment that her majesty should have the additional aid of four other counsellors would, he was persuaded, under the circumstances of the case, be considered as affording her majesty only such facilities and accommodation as were indispensable. Experience had shown the necessity of such a provision. Some of the distinguished characters at present composing the queen's council were engaged in other public duties, and serious inconveniencies had repeatedly arisen from that circumstance; and in the event of the state of the queen's health rendering it necessary that her majesty should reside at a distance from Windsor, necessity, and a due attention to her majesty's feelings, prescribed that one or more of the council should be resident there. He apprehended, therefore, that as the additional commissioners were appointed by name in the bill, and, as any vacancies that might occur were to be filled up by her majesty, there could be no objection to this branch of the bill With respect to the other branch of the measure, he was aware that more difficulties might be started in the way of its adoption, although it was, in his opinion, impossible not to be convinced that had the point which it involved attracted more minutely the attention of the legislature when the bill originally passed, it would have been considered wise and prudent to have adopted it. It did not alter or infringe any of the regulations of the former act, respecting the contingency of the demise of the Regent or the Crown. The House must feel that in either of those cases the suspension of the executive government, in connexion with other circumstances, would require the immediate assembling of parliament, with whatever inconvenience it might be attended. It was a principle of the constitution, that the demise of the Crown should be immediately followed by the assembling of parliament. Although obtained at the inconvenience of annulling elections in progress-even on the eve of the day on which the writs were returnable-yet the constitution prescribed, that the least possible interval should occur before the assembling of parliament; and where no parliament existed, that the old parliament should reassemble for six months. In that most important contingency contemplated by the present bill, the demise of the queen, although that would be attended with dif ficulties not to be wholly overlooked, yet

they were not of such an urgent nature as to impose the necessity of an immediate assembling of parliament. The whole question, as detailed in the bill before the House, related to the time at which parliament in such an event should assemble. If a new election were in progress, it would certainly be highly inexpedient that the whole effect of it should be lost by such a contingency; and the bill therefore provided, not that the old parliament should in that case re-assemble, but that the new parliament should assemble within sixty days of the contingency contemplated. When the contests of various kinds that occurred during the debates on the original Regency act were considered, it would not appear surprising, that a point of this nature should escape attention. But the notice of parliament having now been directed to the subject, it did not appear to him, that there was any possible inconvenience in the way of adopting the present proposition. He would therefore move the second reading of the bill.

Mr. Tierney said, that with respect to the first object of the bill, if her majesty wished for the aid of four more counsellors, there could be no possible objection to granting them. Without, however, meaning the slightest disrespect to the noble individuals nominated in the bill, he must say that he thought rather too much of a party feeling of exclusion had been exhibited in their selection. If this subject had been discussed a fortnight ago, he should have felt some delicacy in speaking of that part of the bill which related to the possible demise of the queen. The happy restoration of her majesty's health had, however, removed any difficulty of that nature. It appeared to him extraordinary, that no provision was made in the bill to vest the care of his majesty's person, in the event of the demise of the queen, in some branch of the royal family. Surely it would be more proper that that should be the case during the sixty days which might intervene before the meeting of parliament, than that it should devolve to lords of the bedchamber and others. Arguing on the assumption, that the state of the queen's health might render necessary her residence at a distance from Windsor, would it not be desirable that some person should be placed by the law in her majesty's situation, to have the aid of the council? For let it be remembered, that the law never recognized the council as entrusted with the care of the king's (VOL. XXXVIII.)

person. The law gave to the queen that custody, and gave the council to her as her advisers. As her majesty's health might render a distant residence desirable, why not appoint one of the royal family to take her situation? The plain and obvious meaning of the bill was, to enable ministers to dissolve parliament without inconvenience. There could be no actual inconvenience arising from the absence of the members of the council. The archbishop of Canterbury resided near London: the master of the horse, in consequence of his office, was necessarily about his majesty's person: lord Winchelsea had the superintendence of the establishment at Windsor. The House might depend upon it that there would have been no bill of this kind, had not ministers thought it a good time to dissolve parliament. It was that which suggested the provision, that in the event of the queen's demise the old parliament should not be brought back; for those who recollected how many hours were occupied in the discussion of the original measure, could not believe that the provision which the present enactment went to alter was the result of mistake. It would, perhaps, be permitted him to speak of the possibility of the king's or of the regent's demise. Suppose, in that event, the new parliament was within a day of the return of the writs -as the law stood, no discretion was given on the subject; the writs must be annulled, and the old parliament recalled, with this special absurdity, that it might not be possible to assemble the old parliament so speedily as the new, since several days must be allowed in the proclamation for the one, and the other might, perhaps, be assembled immediately. Was not this evil susceptible of some remedy? There was another point on which he wished to say something. While the inconveniencies which might arise from the death of the queen, were viewed with great apprehension, against those which would result from the death of the regent-when there would be no king, no executive government-not any provision whatever had been made. He should be glad to know how the magistrates of the country were prepared to act under such an event?" Some would, no doubt, take upon themselves the responsibility of assuming authority; but others, from want of nerve, or from other considerations, would decline embarking in that which would certainly be for the time illegal. Here, then, (3 Y)