ders it expedient to resort, during the present session of Congress, to some measure in order to quiet and tranquilize the country.

If there be any who want civil war-who want to see the blood of any portion of our countrymen spilt-I am not one of them. I wish to see war of no kind; but, above all, I do not desire to see a civil war. When war begins, whether civil or foreign, no human sight is competent to foresee when, or how, or where it is to terminate. But when a civil war shall be lighted up in the bosom of our own happy land, and armies. are marching, and commanders are winning their victories, and fleets are in motion on our coast-tell me, if you can, tell me if any human being can tell its duration. God alone knows where such a war would end. In what a state will be left our institutions? In what state our liberties? I want no

war; above all, no war at home.

Sir, I repeat, that I think South Carolina has been rash, intemperate, and greatly in the wrong, but I do not want to disgrace her, nor any other member of this Union.

No, I do not desire to see the lustre of one single star dimmed, of that glorious confederacy which constitutes our political system; still less do I wish to see it blotted out, and its light obliterated forever. Has not the State of South Carolina been one of the members of this Union in "days that tried men's souls"? Have not her ancestors fought alongside our ancestors? Have we not, conjointly, won together many a glorious battle? If we had to go into a civil war with such a state, how would it terminate? Whenever it should have terminated, what would be her condition? If she should ever return to the Union, what would be the condition of her feelings and affections; what the state of the heart of her people? She has been with us before, when her ancestors mingled in the throng of battle, and as I hope our posterity will mingle with hers, for ages and centuries to come, in the united defence of liberty, and for the honor and glory of the Union, I do not wish to see her degraded or defaced as a member of this confederacy.

In conclusion, allow me to entreat and implore each individual member of this body to bring into the consideration of this measure, which I have had the honor of proposing, the same love of country which, if I know myself, has actuated me, and the same desire of restoring harmony to the Union, which has prompted this effort. If we can forget for a moment-but that would be asking too much of human nature -if we could suffer, for one moment, party feelings and party causes-and, as I stand here before my God, I declare I have looked beyond those considerations, and regarded only the vast interests of this united people -I should hope that, under such feelings, and with such dispositions, we may advantageously proceed to the consideration of this bill, and heal, before they are yet bleeding, the wounds of our distracted country.

HENRY CLAY

SPEECH ON ARMING FOR WAR WITH ENGLAND, DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, DEC. 31, 1811

The patience of the nation having been utterly exhausted by a long series of most flagrant outrages on our rights and independence by Great Britain, in the harassing of our commerce, searching of our vessels, impressment of our seamen, etc., President Madison transmitted to Congress, on its assembling, November 4, 1811, a message recommending decisive measures for the vindication of our national honor and the redress of our wrongs. The subject immediately became the engrossing one, and many members spoke in earnest deprecation of war measures-among them John Randolph, of Virginia, with great energy and eloquence. The committee on foreign relations having reported a series of resolutions echoing the sentiments of the message, and proposing the immediate increase of the army, they were debated at length and adopted. A bill was thereupon framed in and passed by the Senate, proposing to raise thirteen additional regiments for the public service. This bill having reached the House, and being under consideration in Committee of the Whole, Mr. Clay (who had entered the House a new member, aged 34, at the opening of that session, and been immediately chosen speaker by a vote of 75 to 44), rose and addressed the committee as follows:

When the subject of raising an additional military force was discussed some days past, it was the pleasure of the House not to deliberate on it in Committee of the

Whole. I should not complain of this course of proceeding, nor indeed of any other which they might think fit to take on any other occasion; but the effect was to preclude me from participating in debate; from taking upon myself that share of responsibility for measures which it has become necessary to adopt at the present moment; a responsibility from which I shall never shrink at any period or on any subject. I owe it to myself, to my constituents, and to my country to express, on this occasion, my views of the great interests involved in the bill under consideration.

The first question which presents itself, in relation to this bill, is as to the quantum of force which it proposes to raise. Is it too large or too small-too strong or too weak? The contemplated army is, to my mind, too great for peace; and I am fearful, far as it is above the wishes of some of those with whom I generally have the honor to act, that it is too small for the purposes of war. The bill provides for the raising of twenty-five thousand troops;