the danger for Russia in the event of war, by adding considerably to the already patent inequality of the respective naval forces.

Under these circumstances, His Majesty could not but ask himself what are the rights and duties accruing to Russia from these modifications of the general situation and the departures from the engagements which, although conceived in a spirit of distrust towards herself, she has invariably and scrupulously observed.

After maturely considering this question, His Imperial Majesty has arrived at the following conclusions, which you are instructed to bring to the knowledge of the Government to which you are accredited :

Our illustrious Master cannot admit, de jure, that Treaties, violated in several of their essential and general clauses, should remain binding in other clauses directly affecting the interests of his Empire.

His Imperial Majesty cannot admit, de facto, that the security of Russia should depend on a fiction which has not stood the test of time, and should be imperilled by her respect for engagements which have not been observed in their integrity.

Confiding in the feelings of justice of the Powers who have signed the Treaty of 1856, as well as in their consciousness of their own dignity, the Emperor commands you to declare that His Imperial Majesty cannot any longer hold himself bound by the stipulations of the Treaty of March 18, 1856, as far as they restrict his sovereign rights in the Black

Sea;

That His Imperial Majesty deems himself both entitled and obliged to denounce to His Majesty the Sultan the Special and Additional Convention appended to the said Treaty, which fixes the number and size of the vessels-of-war which the two Powers bordering on the Black Sea shall keep in that Sea;

That His Majesty loyally informs of this the Powers who have signed and guaranteed the General Treaty, of which the Convention in question forms an integral part;

That His Majesty restores to the Sultan the full exercise of his rights in this respect, resuming the same for himself.

In acquitting yourself of this duty, you will take care to point out that our illustrious Master has only the safety and dignity of his empire in view. His Imperial Majesty has no wish to revive the Eastern Question. On this point, as on all others, he has no wish but the preservation and consolidation of peace. He fully adheres to his consent to the general principles of the Treaty of 1856, which have fixed the position of Turkey in the European system. He is ready to enter into an understanding with the Powers who have signed that transaction, for the purpose either of confirming its general stipulations, or of renewing them, or of replacing them by some other equitable arrangement, which may be considered as calculated to secure the tranquillity of the East, and the balance of power in Europe.

His Imperial Majesty is convinced that that peace and that balance of power will receive a fresh guarantee, if they are based upon a more just and solid foundation than one resulting from a state of things which no great Power can accept as a normal condition of its existence.

You are requested to read this despatch to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and leave him a copy.

I avail, &c. (Signed)

GORTCHAKOFF.

No. 2.

Prince Gortchakoff to Baron Brunnow.—(Communicated to Earl Granville by

M. le Baron,

Baron Brunnow, November 9.)

1 Novembre,

Tsarskoé Sélo, le 20 Octobre, 1870. EN vous acquittant auprès de M. le Principal Secrétaire d'Etat de Sa Majesté Britannique de la communication que les ordres de Sa Majesté l'Empereur prescrivent à votre Excellence, vous voudrez bien vous attacher à en bien faire saisir le sens et la portée.

Lorsqu'au commencement de l'année 1866, il fut question de Conférences à Trois pour prévenir la guerre imminente en Allemagne par la réunion d'un Congrès, en en discutant les bases avec M. le Comte Russell, vous avez été dans le cas de lui signaler les compensations et les gages de sûreté que nécessiteraient pour la Russie certaines éventualités de nature à modifier le status quo existant en Orient.

Lord Russell l'a reconnu avec une parfaite équité. Il n'a

pas contesté

que toute

altération apportée au texte et à l'esprit du Traité de 1856 devait aboutir à la révision de cet Acte.

Quoique ces éventualités ne se soient pas réalisés, Lord Granville ne contestera pas qu'aujourd'hui ce Traité a subi de graves modifications dans une de ses parties essentielles.

Ce qui doit frapper la Russie dans ces modifications, ce n'est pas la tendance d'hostilité factice à son égard dont elles portent l'empreinte; ce ne sont pas non plns les conséquences que peut avoir pour un grand pays la création sur ses frontières d'un petit Etat quasi indépendant; c'est surtout la facilité avec laquelle, dix ans à peine après sa conclusion, une transaction solennelle, revêtue d'une garantie Européenne, a pu être enfreinte dans sa lettre et dans son esprit, sous les yeux mêmes des Puissances qui devaient en être les gardiennes. En présence d'un pareil précédent, quelle valeur la Russie peut-elle attacher à l'efficacité de cette transaction et au gage de sécurité qu'elle avait cru trouver dans le principe de la neutralisation de la Mer Noire. L'équilibre fondé en Orient par le Traité de 1856 se trouve donc rompu au détriment de la Russie. La résolution prise par notre auguste Maître n'a pas d'autre but que de le rétablir.

Le Gouvernement de Sa Majesté Britannique ne consentirait jamais à laisser la sécurité de ses côtes à la merci d'une transaction qui n'est plus respectée. Il a trop d'équité pour ne pas nous reconnaître les mêmes devoirs et les mêmes droits.

Mais ce que nous tenons surtout à bien établir, c'est que cette décision n'implique aucun changement dans la politique que Sa Majesté l'Empereur suit en Orient.

Vous avez dejà été plusieurs fois à même de vous expliquer avec le Cabinet de Londres sur les vues générales que les deux Gouvernements apportent dans cette importante question. Vous avez pu constater une conformité de principes et d'intérêts dont nous avons pris acte avec une vive satisfaction.

Nous en avons déduit qu'aujourd'hui ce n'est ni de l'Angleterre ni de la Russie que peuvent venir les dangers qui pourraient menacer l'Empire Ottoman; que les deux Cabinets ont un égal désir de maintenir son existence aussi longtemps que possible, par l'apaisement et la conciliation des différends entre la Porte et les sujets Chrétiens du Sultan, et que dans le cas où une crise décisive viendrait à éclater malgré ces efforts, tous deux sont également résolu à en chercher avant tout la solution dans un accord général des grandes Puissances de l'Europe.

Ces vues n'ont pas cessé d'être les nôtres. Nous croyons que leur parfaite analogie rend possible une entente sérieuse entre le Gouvernement de Sa Majesté Britannique et nous; nous y attachons le plus grand prix comme la meilleure garantie pour préserver la paix et l'équilibre de l'Europe des dangers qui peuvent résulter des complications en Ï'Orient.

D'ordre de Sa Majesté l'Empereur, votre Excellence est autorisé à en réitérer l'assurance à Lord Granville. Nous nous féliciterons sincèrement si la franchise de ces explications peut y contribuer, en écartant toute possibilité de malentendu entre le Gouvernement de Sa Majesté Britannique et nous.

M. le Baron,

Recevez, &c.

Tzarskoé Sélo, November 19

October 20

1870.

IN making the communication to the Principal Secretary of State of Her Britannic Majesty, according to the orders of His Majesty the Emperor, you will take care to make its sense and bearing will understood.

When, at the commencement of 1866, there was a question of conferences between the three Powers, with a view to prevent the war then imminent in Germany by the Assembly of a Congress, in discussing the bases of such Conferences with Earl Russell, you had the opportunity of pointing out to him the compensations and the guarantees of security which the occurrence of certain eventualities calculated to modify the status quo existing in the East would necessitate for Russia.

Lord Russell admitted this with perfect equity. He in no way disputed that any alteration made in the text and the spirit ot the Treaty of 1856, must lead to the revision of that Act.

Although those eventualities have not occurred, Lord Granville will not contest the fact that at the present time this Treaty has undergone serious modifications in one of its essential parts.

That which must impress Russia in respect of these modifications, is not the appearance of factitious hostility towards her by which they are characterized, nor is it the consequences which may ensue to a great country from the creation upon its frontiers of a

a small quasi independent State; it is chiefly the facility with which, scarcely ten years after its conclusion, a solemn arrangement, clothed with a European guarantee, has been infringed both in letter and in spirit, under the very eyes of the Powers who should have been its guardians.

With such a precedent before us, what value can Russia attach to the efficacy of that arrangement, and to the pledge of security which she believed she had obtained in the principle of the neutralization of the Black Sea. The balance of power established in the East by the Treaty of 1856, has, therefore, been disturbed to the detriment of Russia. The resolution adopted by our august Master has no other object than to restore it.

The Government of Her Britannic Majesty would never consent to leave the security of their shores to the mercy of an arrangement which is no longer respected. They are too equitable not to allow to us the same duties and the same rights.

But what we especially desire to establish is, that this decision implies no change in the policy which His Majesty the Emperor has pursued in the East.

You have already had, on many occasions, opportunities of discussing with the Cabinet of London the general views which the two Governments hold upon this important question. You have been able to establish a conformity of principles and interests, which we have learnt with great satisfaction.

We have drawn from it the conclusion that at present it is neither from England nor Russia that can arise the dangers which may menace the Ottoman Empire; that the two Cabinets have an equal desire to maintain its existence as long as possible by allaying, and by conciliating the differences between the Porte and the Christian subjects of the Sultan, and that, in the event of a decisive crisis presenting itself, despite these efforts, both are equally resolved to seek for its solution in a general agreement of the Great European Powers.

We have not ceased to hold these views. We believe that their perfect analogy renders possible a thorough understanding between the Government of Her Britannic Majesty and ourselves, we attach the greatest value to it, as the best guarantee for the preservation of peace and the balance of power in Europe from dangers which may result from complications in the East.

By the order of His Majesty the Emperor, your Excellency is authorized to repeat this assurance to Lord Granville. We shall sincerely congratulate ourselves if the frankness of these explanations may contribute to that end, by removing every possibility of misunderstanding between the Government of Her Britannic Majesty and ourselves.

Foreign Office, November 9, 1870,

BARON BRUNNOW called on me to-day and informed me that he had two despatches to communicate to me: one particularly addressed to Her Majesty's Government, as a proof that the confidence which I had stated was felt by them in the Emperor was fully returned by His Imperial Majesty; and the other a circular addressed to all the Powers who signed the Treaty of Paris of the 30th of March, 1856, which Baron Brunnow believed would be communicated simultaneously at London, Berlin, and Constantinople, and, as nearly as the distances would permit, to the other Courts. His Excellency added that it would be communicated by the Chargé d'Affaires to the Provisional Government at ' Tours.

The Circular explains at length the reasons for which the Emperor of Russia no longer thinks himself bound by the Special Convention which limits the naval forces of Russia in the Black Sea, but declares his readiness to adhere to the general principles of the Treaty of 1856, or to reconsider and reconfirm them in concert with the Powers; whilst the accompanying despatch conveys the assertion to Her Majesty's Government that this decision in no way implies a change in the policy His Imperial Majesty is following in the East.

Copies of both these documents are herewith inclosed.*

I replied that the despatches were too important for me to make any reply without consultation with my colleagues, and the more so in consequence of the suddenness of such a communication.

*Nos. 1 and 2.

I added that I was the less desirous of saying anything, as Her Majesty's Government were determined to measure their words on all questions involving international difficulties, so that there might not be the slightest chance of their going beyond that to which they intended strictly to adhere.

I am, &c.

(Signed)

GRANVILLE.

No. 4.

Earl Granville to Sir A. Buchanan.

Sir,

Foreign Office, November 10, 1870.

BARON BRUNNOW made to me yesterday the communication respecting the Convention between the Emperor of Russia and the Sultan limiting their naval forces in the Black Sea, signed at Paris on the 30th March, 1856, to which you allude in your telegram of yesterday afternoon.

19th

In my despatch of yesterday I gave you an account of what passed between us, and I now propose to observe upon Prince Gortchakoff's despatches of the 1st October and Other, communicated to me by the Russian Ambassador on that occasion.

20th October

1st November,

Prince Gortchakoff declares, on the part of His Imperial Majesty, that the Treaty of 1856 has been infringed in various respects to the prejudice of Russia, and more especially in the case of the Principalities against the explicit protest of his Representative, and that, in consequence of these infractions, Russia is entitled to renounce those stipulations of the Treaty which directly touch her interests.

It is then announced that she will no longer be bound by the Treaties which restrict her rights of sovereignty in the Black Sea.

We have here an allegation that certain facts have occurred which, in the judgment of Russia, are at variance with certain stipulations of the Treaty, and the assumption is made that Russia, upon the strength of her own judgment as to the character of those facts, is entitled to release herself from certain other stipulations of that instrument.

This assumption is limited in its practical application to some of the provisions of the Treaty, but the assumption of a right to renounce any one of its terms involves the assumption of a right to renounce the whole.

This statement is wholly independent of the reasonableness or unreasonableness, on its own merits, of the desire of Russia to be released from the observation of the stipulations of the Treaty of 1856 respecting the Black Sea.

For the question is, in whose hand lies the power of releasing one or more of the parties from all or any of these stipulations?

It has always been held that that right belongs only to the Governments who have been parties to the original instrument.

The despatches of Prince Gortchakoff appear to assume that any one of the Powers who have signed the engagement may allege that occurrences have taken place which, in its opinion, are at variance with the provisions of the Treaty, and, although this view is not shared nor admitted by the co-signatory Powers, may found upon that allegation, not a request to those Governments for the consideration of the case, but an announcement to them that it has emancipated itself, or holds itself emancipated, from any stipulations of the Treaty which it thinks fit to disapprove. Yet it is quite evident that the effect of such doctrine, and of any proceeding which, with or without avowal, is founded upon it, is to bring the entire authority and efficacy of Treaties under the discretionary control of each one of the Powers who may have signed them; the result of which would be the entire destruction of Treaties in their essence. For whereas their whole object is to bind Powers to one another, and for this purpose each one of the parties surrenders a portion of its free agency, by the doctrine and proceeding now in question, one of the parties in its separate and individual capacity brings back the entire subject into its own control, and remains bound only to itself.

Accordingly, Prince Gortchakoff has announced in these despatches the intention of Russia to continue to observe certain of the provisions of the Treaty. However satisfactory this may be in itself, it is obviously an expression of the free will of that Power which it might at any time alter or withdraw; and in this it is thus open to the same objections as the other portions of the communications, because it implies the right of Russia to annul the Treaty on the ground of allegations of which she constitutes herself the only judge.

The question therefore arises, not whether any desire expressed by Russia ought to

be carefully examined in a friendly spirit by the co-signatory Powers, but whether they are to accept from her the announcement that, by her own act, without any consent from them, she has released herself from a solemn covenant.

I need scarcely say that Her Majesty's Government have received this communication with deep regret, because it opens a discussion which might unsettle the cordial understanding it has been their earnest endeavour to maintain with the Russian Empire; and, for the above-mentioned reasons, it is impossible for Her Majesty's Government to give any sanction, on their part, to the course announced by Prince Gortchakoff.

If, instead of such a declaration, the Russian Government had addressed Her Majesty's Government and the other Powers who are parties to the Treaty of 1856, and had proposed for consideration with them whether anything has occurred which could be held to amount to an infraction of the Treaty, or whether there is anything in the terms which, from altered circumstances, presses with undue severity upon Russia, or which, in the course of events, had become unnecessary for the due protection of Turkey, Her Majesty's Government would not have refused to examine the question in concert with the co-signataries to the Treaty. Whatever might have been the result of such communications, a risk of future complications and a very dangerous precedent as to the validity of international obligations would have been avoided.

G.

P.S.-You will read and give a copy of this despatch to Prince Gortchakoff.