trums and charms. Taoism is apparently countenanced, but not assisted by the State; openly ridiculed by many; secretly indulged in by more; intelligently understood by none. Built on the crumbling foundations of monasticism and asceticism, the structure can never reach wide and noble proportions; but is barely firm enough to support the worship of a whole galaxy of petty idols and gods.

Buddhism is clearer, more positive, more inspiring the pursuit of final happiness in Nirvana by a dream-life of fellowship with the gods. Faith is useless and sacrifice for sin is unnecessary in this optimistic code, whose strength lies in its positive promises of a future life and descriptions of the gods. But there are no schools for the study of its doctrines and its ranks are recruited mostly from infants pledged by their parents in hours of affliction or despair. Like the pike, Buddhism has no objection to swallowing its food alive; and is continually digesting whole pantheons of strange gods belonging to some other religion. Many of the followers of Confucianism and of Taoism are found in its ranks; even the literati do not seem to be aware of the incongruities of such proceedings. In fact the only living and spontaneous principles which all classes of the Chinese people agree upon, as shown by cheerful and regular observances, are fear of evil spirits and ancestorworship. In other words, what we call religion, or the relig ious sentiment, is effete, or has never been born among them.

-The limited and stilted nature of their education, the bigotry and intangible structure of their government, and the hollowness and contradictions of their so-called religions, prepare one for the train of events following on their contact with the Western nations. Never has there been in the history of the world a better opportunity for measuring moral, intellectual, and material progress in competition with Paganism and ignorance. If the last act in this great drama has not yet been played, the more should the critics study closely the characters of the chief performers, the relations they stand in to one another, and the sequence of events, before they render a final judgment. It is sufficient for our purpose to note that English and American intercourse with China, of the present century, far exceeds in combined practical results that of all the

other nations, ancient and modern. Upon the cessation of the East India Company's privileges, in 1834, England notified China that a king's officer would henceforth represent British trade. On his arrival at Canton Lord Napier was kept at arm's length, simply because the Emperor of China still regarded himself as the mighty sovereign of the earth, before whom the representatives of all other rulers should do humble homage in person. Napier blustered; trade was temporarily disarranged; but what made war was the opium trade. The Chinese government was memorialized to legalize it, but on finding the good sense of the nation opposed, forbad it and made vigorous efforts to suppress smuggling. Large quantities of the drug were destroyed; England had a lucrative trade at stake and cried out for indemnities to her merchants and reparation for violations of international law. International law! from a nation of moon-worshipers, ignorant of the history, language, and very likely of the position of every nation in Christendom.

The Emperor gave orders to his generals to "destroy and wipe clean away, to exterminate and root out the rebellious Barbarians." The war proved to be a play affair for the English. Forts which should have been impregnable fell without loss of life to the invaders. The Chinese soldiers were utterly confused, routed and slaughtered even when they outnumbered their adversaries forty to one. The English soldiers emulated one another in bagging great quantities of this easy game. After the fall of Amoy, Tinghai, Chinhai, and Ningpo, the Emperor's proclamations became as declamatory as those of Napoleon to his army in Italy. His heathen majesty further resorted to the orthodox old English custom, of Robert Walpole's time, of raising funds by sale of offices and titles of nobility. But the great treaty of Nanking proclaimed to the world that China was incapable of making a decent show of armed resistance. England got her money indemnity, together with the island of Hongkong, and the opening of five important ports for residence and trade. The United States and France sent ministers extraordinary to the court of Peking to obtain corresponding political and commercial concessions. Representatives from Prussia, Spain, Belgium and other coun

tries were also witnesses of this solemn confession of the equality of the nations for purposes of trade. But the second English war with China, begun in 1856, showed that the new state of affairs did not set well on the Chinese stomach and could not be digested by it unless seasoned by a further resort to arms. Taking advantage of indignities committed by Chinese sailors on the national flag, Great Britain resolved to have more "international rights," in the form of a better enforcement of the trade regulations of the treaty of Nanking, and what was before unaccountably omitted from that treaty, viz: the residence of a British minister at Peking. The United States, Russia, and France were invited to coöperate with England in bringing China to her senses and the latter ally added troops to indorse her moral suasion. Canton was bombarded and taken easily; but subsequently the mire of oriental diplomacy proved bottomless. Lord Elgin remarked of the final negotiations at Tientsin, 1858, "The Chinese yielded nothing to reason and everything to fear, and were at the same time profoundly ignorant of the subject under discussion and of their own interests." In the words of a British officer, "Two powers had China by the throat while the other two stood by and egged them on so that all could share the spoil." No wonder that England took her glut of satisfaction-she has always been a harsh and grasping taskmaster with weaker

nations.

China was made to establish the principles of ex-territoriality, to restrict the importation of implements of war, and to legalize the opium trade! It was evident, however, that years must elapse before the Chinese officials could be educated up to the point of believing that these changes were binding on them personally. Before minor points were ratified the British fleet were hindered in their attempt to reach Peking. This last and stupendous folly on the part of "the Son of heaven showed conclusively how foolish was the attempt to deal with the Chinese government as a responsible organization, capable of adjusting itself to circumstances. Lord Elgin and Baron Gros returned to review the slaughter of the native troops, and the allies had another long field day for plunder. After the possession of Peking, the sacking of the summer palace, and the

scientific attainments. Preaching was problematical on account of the difficulties of the language. The Christianity they strove to inculcate was debased by many concessions to heathen superstitions. Of course there were internal jealousies and bickerings among the sects, and during the first part of the last century all were ordered out of the country. There were persecutions and martyrs' deaths, too, in this far away land. From the fair total of reported converts must be deducted the non-adhering members of families one of whose representatives performed the outward rites of the church. Natural increase came into play and swelled the number of those accounted under the influence of the priests. But the significant fact is that no progress has been made unless the European task-masters were present to lead their pupils by the hands. During the hundreds of years that Catholicism has had a footing in China, no native priests have arisen competent to influence and direct the future of the Church in that country. More than this, the pompous ceremonies of Rome have been confounded with the relic-worship, masses, bell-ringing, candle, and incense-burning of one or all of the native religions, to the great confusion of true Christianity. Native Christians are frequently mistaken for members of secret political societies; they are reviled for their neglect of ancestor worship; and scorned for allowing women to attend religious assemblies. In reply to the question, “What salutary effect has this large body of Christians wrought in the vast population of China during the past 300 years?" Mr. Williams has returned the disheartening answer: "None, absolutely none."

The treaty of Nanking opened a wide field for Protestant missionary work. Mission schools and hospitals were estab lished; great efforts were made to lay a corner stone of English education; the country was deluged with tons of sacred and profane literature in the hope that by some mysterious process the ideas would penetrate the benighted minds. The results have been comparatively small, though they are not entirely disheartening for eventual success. By the concessions of toleration and access to the remote parts of the country obtained at the treaty of Tientsin, nearly all of the civilized nations of the earth are honorably pledged to prosecute their missionary labors

in China zealously and in concert. But with all respect and admiration for the aspirations and the zeal of this noble body of philanthropists, any fair-minded critic must, we think, admit that the great battle-field of their labors is before, not behind them; that many of the most important and difficult phases of conversion have not been touched; that unless the skirmish lines are soon reinforced there is danger that this advance guard will have to retreat over the ground so bravely won. The lines of Wordsworth are curiously appropriate to the state of China up to this point:

"Who ponders national events shall find

An awful balancing of loss and gain,
Joy based on sorrow; good with ill combined
And proud deliverance issuing out of pain
And direful throes; as if the All Ruling Mind
With whose perfection it consists to ordain
Volcanic burst, earthquake, and hurricane
Dealt in like sort with feeble human kind
By laws immutable."

From present appearances Christianity in China is, we think, far more likely to be reinforced or preceded by the advances of commerce and science, than to lead in the regeneration of that country. Christianity did not affect the treaty of Nanking; that treaty made the extension of Christianity possible. For hundreds of years men had been talking to these heathen about the salvation of their souls; but when the opium trade was in danger no time was lost in fighting for the preservation of Western commerce. If anyone puts a more charitable construction on England's wars with China, he is respectfully referred to the Parliamentary reports of that time. In the speeches of the leaders we find very little about religion, moral progress, etc., and much about the national budget. No wonder that the untutored mind should place English commerce above English religion in practical importance. As a nation we ourselves, by nullification of the immigration treaty of 1868, have shown them that smooth words sometimes mean one thing and harsh actions another and less honorable one. This breach of faith would be, perhaps, less flagrant if we were really in the slightest danger of being flooded by an increasing Chinese immigration. The contrary has repeatedly and conclusively been proved to be the fact to all but the soft-headed members of Congress.