the consequences of such impressions on the minds of foreign nations, and to guard against the degradation and servility which they must finally stamp on the American character, is an important duty of government.

A naval power, next to the militia, is the natural defence of the United States: the experience of the last war, would be sufficient to show, that a moderate naval force, such as would be easily within the present abilities of the Union, would have been sufficient to have baffled many formidable transportations of troops from one state to another, which were then practised.. Our sea coasts, from their great extent, are more easily annoyed and more easily defended by a naval force than any other. With all the materials our country abounds; in skill our naval architects and navigators are equal to any; and commanders and seamen will not be wanting.

But although the establishment of a permanent system of naval defence appears to be requisite, I am sensible it cannot be formed so speedily and extensively as the present crisis demands. Hitherto I have thought proper to prevent the sailing of armed vessels, except on voyages to the East Indies, where general usage and the danger from pirates, appeared to render the permission proper; yet the restriction has originated solely from a wish to prevent collusions with the powers at war, contravening the act of Congress of June, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-four, and not from any doubt entertained by me of the policy and propriety of permitting our vessels to employ means of defence, while engaged in a lawful foreign commerce. It remains for Congress to prescribe such regulations as will enable our seafaring citizens to defend themselves against violations of the law of nations; and at the same time, restrain them from committing acts of hostility against the powers at war. In addition to this voluntary provision for defence, by individual citizens, it appears to me nécessary to equip the frigates, and provide other vessels of inferior force, to take under convoy such merchant vessels as shall remain unarmed.

The greater part of the cruisers, whose depredations have been most injurious, have been built, and some of them partially equipped in the United States. Although an effectual remedy may be attended with difficulty, yet I have thought it my duty to present the subject generally

your consideration. If a mode can be devised, by the wisdom of Congress, to prevent the resources of the United States from being converted into the means of annoying our trade, a great evil will be prevented. With the same view I think it proper to mention that some of our citizens, resident abroad, have fitted out privateers, and others have voluntarily taken the command, or entered on board of them, and committed spoliations on the commerce of the United States ;-such unnatural and iniquitous practices can be restrained only by severe punishments.

But besides a protection of our commerce on the seas, I think it highly necessary to protect it at home, where it is collected in our most important ports. The distance of the United States from Europe, and the well known promptitude, ardour, and courage of the people in defence of their country, happily diminish the probability of invasion; nevertheless, to guard against sudden and predatory incursions, the situation of some of our principal sea ports demands your consideration; and as our country is vulnerable in other interests besides those of its commerce, you will seriously deliberate whether the means of general defence ought not to be increased, by an addition to the regular artillery and cavalry, and by arrangements for forming a provisional army.

With the same view, and as a measure which, even in a time of universal peace, ought not to be neglected, I recommend to your consideration, a revision of the laws for organising, arming and disciplining the militia, to render that natural and safe defence of the country efficacious.

Although it is very true that we ought not to involve ourselves in the political system of Europe, but to keep ourselves always distinct and separate from it, if we can; yet to effect this separation, early, punctual and continual information of the current chain of events, and of the political projects in contemplation, is no less necessary than if we were directly concerned in them: It is necessary in order to the discovery of the efforts made to draw us into the vortex, in season to make preparations against them. However we may consider ourselves, the maritime and commercial powers of the world will consider the United States of America as forming a weight in that balance of power in Europe, which never can be forgotten or neglected. It would not only be against our interest, but it would

be doing wrong to one half of Europe at least, if we should voluntarily throw ourselves into either scale. It is a natural policy for a nation that studies to be neutral, to consult with other nations engaged in the same studies and pursuits at the same time that measures ought to be pursued with this view, our treaties with Prussia and Sweden, one of which is expired, and the other near expiring, might be renewed.

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, It is particularly your province to consider the state of the publick finances; and to adopt such measures, respecting them, as exigencies shall be found to require. The preservation of publick credit, the regular extinguishment of the publick debt, and a provision of funds to defray any extraordinary expenses, will of course call for your serious attention. Although the imposition of new burdens cannot be in itself agreeable, yet there is no ground to doubt that the American people will expect from you such measures as their actual engagements, their present security and future interests demand.

Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives,-The present situation of our country imposes an obligation on all the departments of government to adopt an explicit and decided conduct: In my situation, an exposition of the principles by which my administration will be governed, ought not to be omitted.

It is impossible to conceal from ourselves, or the world, what has been before observed, that endeavours have been employed to foster and establish a division between the government and people of the United States. To investigate the causes which have encouraged this attempt is not necessary; but to repel, by decided and united councils, insinuations so derogatory to the honour, and aggressions so dangerous to the constitution, union, and even independence of the nation, is an indispensable duty.

It must not be permitted to be doubted whether the people of the United States will support the government established by their voluntary consent, and appointed by their free choice; or whether by surrendering themselves to the direction of foreign and domestick factions, in opposition to their own government, they will forfeit the honourable station they have hitherto maintained.

For myself, having never been indifferent to what concerned the interests of my country, devoted the best part of my life to obtain and support its independence, and constantly witnessed the patriotism, fidelity, and perseverance of my fellow citizens, on the most trying occasions, it is not for me to hesitate or abandon a cause in which my heart has been so long engaged.

Convinced that the conduct of the government has been just and impartial to foreign nations; that those internal regulations which have been established by law, for the preservation of peace, are in their nature proper, and that they have been fairly executed, nothing will ever be done by me to impair the national engagements; to innovate upon principles which have been so deliberately and uprightly established; or to surrender in any manner the rights of the government. To enable me to maintain this declaration, I rely, under God, with entire confidence, on the firm and enlightened support of the national legislature,and upon the virtue and patriotism of my fellow citizens. JOHN ADAMS.

REFERRED

DOCUMENTS

ΤΟ IN THE PRESIDENT'S SPEECH TO BOTH HOUSES OF CONGRESS, ON THE SIXTEENTH OF MAY, 1797.

Department of State, May 17, 1797.

SIR, By the direction of the President of the United States, I have the honour to present the enclosed papers, numbered from 1 to 18, as noted below, to be laid before the House of Representatives. And am, &c.

TIMOTHY PICKERING.

The Speaker of the House of

Representatives of the United States.

No. 1. General Pinckney's letter to the Secretary of State, dated at Paris, December 20th, 1796.

No. 2. Report of Major Mountflorence, to General Pinckney, dated at Paris, December 18th, 1796.

No. 3. Extract of a letter from General Pinckney, to the Secretary of State, dated at Paris, January 6th, 1797. No. 4. Extract of a letter from General Pinckney, to the Secretary of State, dated at Amsterdam, February 18th, 1797.

No. 5. Extract of a letter from General Pinckney, to the Secretary of State, dated at Amsterdam, March 5th,

1797.

No. 6. Extract of a letter from Major Mountflorence, to General Pinckney, dated Paris, February 14th, 1797.

No. 7. Extract of a letter from Major Mountflorence, to General Pinckney, dated Paris, February 21st, 1797.

No. 8. Extract of a letter from General Pinckney, to the Secretary of State, dated Amsterdam, March 8th, 1797.

No. 9. Speech of Mr. Barras, President of the Execu tive Directory of the French Republick, to Mr. Monroe, December 30th, 1796.

No. 10. Decree of the Executive Directory of the French Republick, dated March 2d, 1797.

No. 11. Extract of a letter from John Quincy Adams, Esq. to the Secretary of State, dated at the Hague, November 4th, 1796.

No. 12. Extract of a letter from the committee of foreign relations of the Batavian National Assembly, to John Quincy Adams, Esquire, dated at the Hague, September 27th, 1796.

No. 13. Extract of a letter from John Quincy Adams, Esq. minister of the United States, at the Hague, to the committee of foreign relations of the Batavian national assembly, dated at the Hague, October 31st, 1796.

No. 14. Extract of a letter from John Quincy Adams, Esq. minister of the United States, at the Hague, to the Secretary of State, dated February 17th, 1797.

No. 15. Extract of a letter from Rufus King, Esq. minister of the United States in London, to the Secretary of State, dated March 12th, 1797.

No. 16. Letter from the Chevalier de Yrujo, envoy extraordinary, and minister plenipotentiary of his Catholick, majesty, to the Secretary of State, dated May 6th, 1797.

No. 17. Letter from the Secretary of State, to the Chevalier de Yrujo, the minister of his Catholick majesty to the United States, dated May 17th, 1797.