122

from that destruction with which it was so nearly threatened: that she was now standing upon the brink of eternity, and had no other means of escaping endless perdition, than by repenting her former wickedness, by justifying the sentence pronounced against her, by acknowledging the queen's favours, and by exerting a true and lively faith in Christ Jesus: that the scriptures were the only rule of doctrine, the merits of Christ the only means of salvation; and if she trusted in the inventions or devices of men, she must expect in an instant to fall into utter darkness, into a place where shall be weeping, howling, and gnashing of teeth: that the hand of death was upon her, the axe was laid to the root of the tree, the throne of the great Judge of heaven was erected, the book of her life was spread wide, and the particular sentence and judgment was ready to be pronounced upon her: and that it was now, during this important moment, in her choice, either to rise to the resurrection of life, and hear that joyful salutation, Come, ye blessed of my Father; or to share the resurrection of condemnation, replete with sorrow and anguish; and to suffer that dreadful denunciation, Go, ye cursed, into everlasting fire.

During this discourse Mary could not sometimes forbear betraying her impatience, by interrupting the preacher; and the dean, finding that she had profited nothing by his lecture, at length bade her change her opinion, repent her of her former wickedness, and settle her faith upon this ground, that only in Christ Jesus could she hope to be saved. She answered again and again, with great earnestness: "Trouble not yourself any more about the matter: for I was born in this religion; I have lived in this religion; and in this religion I am resolved to die." Even the two earls perceiv ed, that it was fruitless to harass her any farther with theological disputes; and they ordered the dean to desist from his unseasonable exhortations, and to pray for her conversion. During the dean's prayer, she employed herself in private devotion from the office of the Virgin; and after he had finished, she pronounced aloud some petitions in English, for the afflicted church, for an end of her own troubles, for her son, and for queen Elizabeth; and prayed God that that princess might long prosper, and be employed in his service. The Earl of Kent observing that in her devotions she made frequent use of the crucifix, could not forbear reproving her for her attachment to that popish trumpery, as he termed it; and he exhorted her to have Christ in her heart, not in her hand. She replied with presence of mind, that it was difficult to hold such an object in her hand without feeling her heart touched with some compunction.

She now began, with the aid of her two women, to disrobe herself; and the executioner also lent his hand to assist them. She smiled, and said, that she was not accustomed to undress herself before so large a company, nor to be served by such valets. Her servants seeing her in this condition ready to lay her head upon the block, burst into tears and lamentations: she turned about to them; put her finger upon her lips, as a sign of imposing silence upon them: and having given them her blessing, desired them to pray for her. One of her maids, whom she had appointed for that purpose, covered her eyes with a handkerchief; she laid herself down without any sign of fear or trepidation; and her head was severed from her body at two strokes by the executioner. He instantly held it up to the spectators, streaming with blood, and agitated with the convulsions of death; the Dean of Peterborow alone exclaimed, "So perish all Queen Elizabeth's enemies!" The Earl of Kent alone replied, "Amen!" The attention of all the other spectators was fixed on the melancholy scene before them; and zeal and flattery alike gave place to present pity and admiration of the expiring princess.

Thus perished, in the forty-fifth year of her age, and nineteenth of her captivity in Eng

elevation the view is imposing beyond descrip-
tion. The noisy torrent of the Arve that foams
along in the plain beneath looks like the small-
est rivulet, and every thing which before ap-
ture insignificance, except the mighty moun-
peared stupendous is now dwindled into minia-
tain, whose grandeur no height that man is
able to attain can diminish. The path then
becomes more difficult as far as the bôpital de
name,
when the Mer de Glace presents itself.
Blair, built by an English gentleman of that
The appearance of this vast mass of ice is so
wonderful, that the only idea which at all does
who describes it as a tempestuous ocean whose
justice to it is that of a celebrated traveller,
towering waves have been suddenly rendered
motionless by an all-powerful hand, and con-
verted into solid masses of crystal.

To descend to the margin of this frozen sea there is a path bordered by rhododendrons, which has been constructed for the purpose. The waves, which appear comparatively small from Montanvert, on a nearer inspection are found to be about twenty feet high, and in walking on the surface care must be taken of the chasms which every where present themselves, ready to engulf the unwary traveller. The effect, however, is lost on a near approach, and appears best from a distance, where the whole expanse can be viewed.

Among the various candidates for fame by an ascent to the summit of Mont Blane, the most celebrated is Mons. Saussure, whose 'obscience as for any personal gratification. The ject was as much for the advancement of narrative of his ascent is interesting, as well as those of many adventurers since that time; but the view which is eagerly anticipated from the summit, after the labour and toil of the journey, is generally hidden from the disappointed traveller by the thick clouds which usually form the monarch's crown. Among the mountains which present the grandest coup d'œil, and which yield the greatest recompense to those who have the strength to attain their summit, is Mount Ventoux. This is one of the highest mountains in Europe, and having but few rivals near it of sufficient height to intercept the view, it commands a more extensive prospect than either. the Alps or Pyrenees. From its summit may be descried the whole south of France, at least as far as the eye can reach, the waters of the Mediterranean, and the vast chain of Alps, which forms the barrier between Italy and the rest of Europe. From the number of narratives of the various ascents we give the following, as much on account of its curiosity and the beauty of its description, as from the interest excited by the narrator himself. It is written by the celebrated Petrarch in a letter to his friend, Father Dennis.

"We went (Petrarch and his brother Ge-
rard) from Avignon to Malaverne, which is at
the foot of the mountain on the north side,
where we slept at night and refreshed our-
selves the whole of the next day. The day
after my brother and myself, followed by two
domestics, began to ascend the mountain with
was mild and the day very fine. We had agi-
much trouble and fatigue, though the weather
lity, strength, and courage; but this mass of
wards the middle of the mountain we found an
rocks is of a steepness almost inaccessible, To-
old shepherd, who did all he could to divert us
said he, that I had the same humour with your-
from our project. It is about fifty years ago,'
selves. I climbed, with infinite labour, to the
top of the mountain; and what did I get by it?

rocks and briers, much fatigue and repentance,
My body and clothes torn to pieces by
with a firm resolution never to go thither again.
Since that time I have not heard it said any
one has been guilty of the same folly.'

"Young people are not to be talked out of
their schemes. The more the shepherd exag.
gerated the difficulties of the enterprise, the
greater the desire we felt to conquer them.
When he saw that what he said had no effect,
he showed us a steep path along the rocks.
"That is the way you must go,' said he.

After leaving our superfluous clothes, and all that could embarrass us, we began to climb with inconceivable ardour. Our efforts, which is not uncommon, were followed with extreme weakness; we found a rock on which we rested some time; after which we resumed our march, but it was not with the same agility; mine slackened very much. While my brother took a very steep path, which appeared to lead to the top, I took another which was more upon the acclivity. Where are you going?' cried my brother with all his might: that is not the way follow me.'-Let me alone,' said I; ‘I prefer the path that is longest and casiest.' This was an excuse for my weakness. I wandered for some time; at last shame took hold of me, and I rejoined my brother, who had seated himself to wait for me. We marched one before another for some time, but I became weary again, and sought an easier path; and at last, overwhelmed with shame and fatigue,

I stopped again to take breath. Then abandoning myself to reflection, I compared the state of my soul, which aims to gain heaven, but walks not in the way to it, to that of my body, which had so much difficulty in attaining the top of Mount Ventoux, notwithstanding the curiosity which caused me to attempt it. This reflection inspired me with more strength and

courage.

"Mount Ventoux, is divided into several hills, which rise one above the other; on the top of the highest is a little plain, where we seated ourselves on our arrival.

"Struck with the clearness of the air and the immense space I had before my eyes, I remained for some time motionless and astonish

ed. At last waking from my reverie, my eyes were insensibly directed towards that fine country, to which my inclination always drew me. I saw those mountains covered with snow where the proud enemy of the Romans opened himself a passage with vinegar, if we believe the voice of Fame. Though they are at a great distance from Mount Ventoux, they seem so near that one might touch them. I felt in stantly a vehement desire to behold again this dear country, which I saw rather with the eyes of the soul than those of the body: some sighs escaped me which I could not prevent, and I reproached myself with a weakness which I could have justified by many great examples.

"The sun was going to rest, and I perceived that it would soon be time to descend the mountain. I then turned towards the west, where I sought in vain that long chain of mountains that separates France from Spain. Nothing that I know of hid them from my sight; but nature has not given us organs capable of that extensive view. To the right I discovered the mountain of the Lyonnoise, and to the left the surges of the Mediterranean, which bathe Marseilles on one side, and on the other dash themselves in pieces against the rocky shore. I saw them very distinctly, though at the distance of several days' journey. The Rhone glided under my eyes, the clouds were at my feet. Never was there a more extensive, variegated, and enchanting prospect! What I saw rendered me less incredulous of the accounts of Olympus and Mount Athos, which they assert to be higher than the regions of the clouds, from whence descend the showers of rain.

gularity of an accident, the application of which it was so easy for me to make.

"In the midst of contemplation I had got, without perceiving, to the bottom of the moun tain with the same safety, though with less fatigue, than I went up. A fine clear moon favoured our return. While they were preparing our supper, I shut myself up in a corner of the house to give you this account, and the reflections it produced in my mind. You are my father, and I hide nothing from you. I wish I was always able to tell you not only what I do but what I think. Pray to God that my thoughts, now, alas! vain and wandering, may be inmoveably fixed on the only true and solid good!"'

COBBETT vs. WELLINGTON. "Men should be taught as if you taught them not,

And things unknown proposed as things for

got.

ments, are now felt in their natural consequences; and TIME is avenging the men who suffered death, or imprisonment, or ruin, or bitter persecution for their public spirit in endeavouring to prevent the war of 1793. And is he not avenging the wrongs done to TRUTH? What was the real case between us and the French people? Our rulers, our nobles, our clergy, all our pastors and masters,' had been, for three hundred years, telling us, that the French government was a cruel despotism; that the noblesse were tyrants; that the people were slaves; that their priests taught a religion that was idolatrous and damnable. This, in books of all sizes, in lessons for the young, in homilies for the old, in parliamentary speeches, in sermons from the pulpit; in all manner of ways, from the cradle to the grave, this was what had, for three hundred years, been dinned in the ears of the people of England, who, accordingly, looked on the French

people as beings scarcely above the level of

dogs.

tracts:

"Now, greatest Captain of the age,' 1 could, I think, keep all the conquests, and yet bring down the taxes to the amount of 1792. I could do this; and another time, I will ask you why you cannot."

*

*

I saw

"Please, my lord, to read the MOTTOS, and look well at the DATE of those mottos! Thus, you see, it did not require sixteen years to enable ME to see what would be the bitter fruit of these conquests; these boasted conquests; this rich indemnity. I saw it at once. it, while the nation was drunk, and while you and the foreign kings were enjoying the defeat of the poor Yankees on the Serpentine river! And, what is more, I had the courage to say it at that time. Read these MOTTOS again. Read them ten times over. Let the nation read them: let the ruined nation look at the DATES of them: then let them acknowledge, that I was the man to have prevented this ruin; or, let them PERISH.

"Since you took upon you that office which I ought to have filled, I have repeatedly told you, that if you resolved not to reduce the taxes; if you resolved to keep up the expenses, the nation would have to deplore the day that it bragged of its conquests! In August, 1828, (16th day) I told you all about the conse quences of these fatal conquests. It really does appear, that I have left nothing unforetold upon these subjects: it seems that I have now nothing to do but to wait for events; and, as these arise, to show, as applicable to each, what my foretelling has been."

After quoting something from his own writings, Mr. Cobbett proceeds:

"There, Mr. Prime Minister! That came from a man with a head upon his shoulders. That came from a man who could foretell all the consequences as soon as the peace was made. That came from a man, who was sober in 1814, when all the rest of the nation were drunk. That came from a man able to foresee events. And, oh! what this nation has suffered, and has yet to suffer, not only because that man has not had power; but because those who had power, resolved not to do what that

"I take God and my brother to witness that what I say is true! I was struck with the sin

rally speaking, it deserves to suffer; for it might, long ago, have given power to that

man."

*

"Thus it is, my Lord Duke, that TIME, sturdy old TIME, avenges the wrongs done to TRUTH. The works of PITT and DUNDAS, and their urgers on and associates and instru

[From Wheaton's Travels in England.] Mrs. Hannah More.-Mrs. More is rather below the common stature, and sits for the most part in her easy chair, with her table and work before her. It is three years since she has left her chamber-not literally, for she has in that period occasionally rode a short distance-but since she has. left her place in the drawing-room and at table. Cheerfulness and good nature are strongly depicted in her face; and her fine dark eyes retain a brilliancy and expression altogether uncommon in persons of her advanced years. Age and sickness appear not to have dimmed their lustre in the least. Whatever may be the topic of conversation, she engages in it with great feeling and vivacity; her ideas are rapid, and often playful; and if the authoress sometimes appears, it is only for a moment, and while she is giving utterance to some sentiment of more than common importance. There is evidently no effort to talk in a written style; but her general mode of expressing herself is in short, pithy sentences replete with meaning. The room where she sits is furnished with a copious selection of standard authors; and the furniture of the different rooms is plain, but neat, and in good taste.

Much of her valuable life has been passed in a sick chamber. She remarked that she had been about twenty times brought near the borders of the grave; but that in all her sicknesses her mind had been perfectly clear, so that she could give directions concerning her affairs. "If I have any genius," she observed, "sickness has been the author of it; for it has forced me to be industrious, when I was able to hold a pen." Her views of Christian philosophy may be gathered from the following incident: Five years ago, a fever of twelve months' continuance entirely destroyed the senses of smell and taste; "but see, she remarked, how I have been compensated. For a year longer, I was obliged to take medicine eight times a day, and have taken it more or less every day since. My life depended on it; but had my taste been spared, I could not possibly have taken these nauseous black

draughts." This was what she called the doctrine of compensations.

Among the letters she had received from various correspondents, one from Cobbett was produced, dated at Philadelphia, which I was desired to read aloud for the benefit of the company. It was moral and religious, and all that -full of compliments to Mrs. M., for her useful and instructive writings. It was written in 1796, and represented the government of the United States as a patched up sort of a thing, without coherency or stability, and on the eve of a revolution. "This was before I knew him as well as I do now. When he came back, I used some exertion to get him made editor of the Anti-Jacobin Review. I thought him a fit person to be set up against Tom Paine-he was strong, coarse, and vul. gar; but wrote in a style to take with the common people; and I believed he had good principles. When he had got the paper, he turned about and abused me.-Such was his gratitude." The history of her carly correspondence with Cobbett she related with great good humour.

Mrs. M. is gratefully sensible of the popularity of her works in America, and speaks of us and our institutions in terms of high regard. She hoped there would be no more differences between the two countries. They are one in language, one in religion, and one in blood: why should political differences divide them? I observed, that the English journalists had done more, by their sneering, ill-natured remarks and misrepresentations, to exasperate the people of the United States, than all the acts of the government put together. "That is just what I said to Lord S; and he acquiesced in the same opinion. He thought they provoked the revolutionary war; he was sure they did much to bring on the last one; and lamented that they would persist in misrepresentation and abuse. But so it is. The editors of Journals and Reviews find that a spice of malice and abuse makes their works sell; and that is all they want. They are far from expressing the feelings of the English people, and they ought not to be seriously regarded."

THE MAROON WAR. [Part of an article in the Museum.] The Maroons were the descendants of the aboriginal inhabitants, and of negroes who had fled from their Spanish masters into the interior, when we captured the island in 1655. Their numbers had been increased by runaway slaves of every description, but particularly by the restless, brave, and ferocious African tribe of the Coromantees. Among the Maroons was a class with jet black complexions and regular handsome features. The whole tribe of Maroons, however, were tall, well made, and athletic; and when the Duke of Kent, after their surrender and shipment to Halifax, inspected them, he pronounced them the most extraordinarily fine body of men he had almost ever seen. Their feats of strength and agility surprised our officers. They could climb trees like monkeys, and could ascend rocks, and bound from crag to crag, where our most active soldiers could not approach. Their keenness of eye was most extraordinary; and so acute was their sense of hearing, that with their ears to the ground, they would detect our movements at a distance, at which theirs to us were totally inaudible. Patient of hunger and fatigue, they could select nutritious roots and herbs from the many which in that climate were deemed poisonous; whilst our ignorance prevented our discriminating the one from the other, and consequently deprived us of the use of all. Almost every man possessed a rifle, fowling-piece, or musket, and their accuracy at fire was proved by the sequel to be superior to any thing on record.

Their first Chief, Cudjoe, had carried on a regular war against us, until his name became the vexation of our officers and the terror of

every white inhabitant. At length we obtained from the Mosquitoe shore, a body of semisavages, Mulattoes, Indians, and Africans, called Black Shots. These men, under an English adventurer, named James, fought the Maroons in their own style, but with very inferior success. The ferocity of the war, and the cruelties practised upon the white inhabitants, are incredible. At length, by the aid of these Black Shots, and at an enormous expense of lives, we penetrated to the vicinity of Cudjoe's fastnesses. Upon a high table land of several acres, called Flat Cave River, we built a set of barracks, with four bastions and high walls. In these we kept our stores of provisions and ammunition, with a considerable body of militia and regulars. The fatigue of bringing up supplies from the coast, by which, in that climate, our troops had suffered great mortality, was now spared, and the predatory excursions of Cudjoe were considerably checked.

The Government now thought the Maroons were in their power, especially as they had been quiescent for several weeks, when they suddenly learned that Cudjoe and his whole tribe had decamped from their scene of operations in the south-east of the island, and had moved to Trelawney, near the entrance of the great line of cockpits to the extreme northwest of the island. The first and largest of these cockpits was called Petty River Bottom. It contained about seven acres of verdant soil, and the inaccessible sides were covered with the largest forest-trees. The entrance was a mere fissure, passable only by the most vigorous and agile of mountaineers, and from the sides of which a few riflemen might have de fended the defile against any numbers or any species of attack.

Under these circumstances did a few hundred savages keep the whole island of Jamaica in terror, baffle our military force, and oblige us at last to offer terms of peace. Col. Guthrie was sent to make the overtures, and the scene between him and Cudjoe was characteristic in the extreme. The daring savage suddenly became a timid slave. The negotiation took place in one of the wild fastnesses of the mountains, to which Col. Guthrie had advanced to offer terms. Cudjoe was rather a short man, uncommonly stout, with very strong African features, and a peculiar wildness in his manners. He had a very large lump of flesh upon his back, which was partly covered by the tattered remains of an old blue coat, of which the skirt and the sleeves below the elbows were wanting. Round his head was a scanty piece of dirty white cloth; he had a pair of loose drawers that did not reach his knees, and a small round hat without any rim. On his right side hung a cow's horn, with some powder, and a bag of large cut slugs. On his left was a knife, three inches broad, in a leathern sheath, suspended under the arm by a narrow strap that went round his shoulder. He had no shirt, and his clothes and skin were covered with the red dirt of the cockpits. Such was the Chief; and his men were as ragged and dirty as himself: all had guns and cutlasses. This treaty, signed in 1738, was, as if between regular belligerents, but it stipulated that in future the Maroons should be registered, and have two white agents residing amongst them. From this period to the last and most serious war of 1795, the relation of the Maroons to the whites became totally different. Their connexion was friendly, and the planters had created in them both a contempt and a hatred of the negroes, whom, when fugitives, they always caught and restored to their masters. In this war it was proved that all the movements of the different chiefs or leaders of gangs had been isolated and independent: there had been no communication between them, and the ef fect is therefore the more astonishing.

#

Lord Balcarras proceeded immediately to Montego Bay, where he published a violent

philippic against the Maroons, telling themt that their town was surrounded by troops, resistance was in vain, and that he had set a price upon the heads of all who did not surrender in four days.

This impolitic proclamation struck terror into the hearts of all the inhabitants, and roused the Maroons from equivocal submission to the most determined resistance. A similar circumstance of an unfortunate nature had just occurred. Col. Gallimore, who had been sent to negotiate with the Maroons, had, during a conference, contemptuously taken from his waistcoat pocket a handful of musket-balls, and shaking them in the faces of the chiefs, declared that those were the only arguments they should have from him. The Maroons shortly after attacked his house, and wreaked a signal vengeance upon his family. General Palmer had given passports to six Maroon captains to proceed to the Governor in the capital. Midway these men were seized by the commanding officer of the militia, and, notwithstanding their passports, were ordered into irons by Lord Balcarras. The General expressed himself highly incensed at this breach

of faith.

On the 8th of August Lord Balcarras sent his despatch, commanding the surrender of the Maroons, on pain of setting a price upon their heads. On that day, Col. Sandford, with one hundred and thirty of the 18th and 20th Light Dragoons, took post about four miles north of the Maroon town. Lord Balcarras, at the head of the 83d regiment, established himself at Vaughan's Field, a mile and a half from the Maroon town, whilst several thousand militia were at Kensington estate, in his rear, to pro. tect the convoys of provisions. The regular troops amounted to about 1500. The Maroon town lies twenty miles southeast of Montego Bay, and eighteen miles from Falmouth. The road from Montego Bay for the first nine miles is good, after which it is steep, rugged, and affording facilities of defence against any hostile advance. The same may be said of the last four or five miles of the road from Falmouth. The Maroons, terrified by this military array, on the 11th of August sent their chief and seventeen leading men to offer submission and fealty to Lord Balcarras, who however put these men in irons, and sent them on ship-board. Of all things, the Maroons had a horror of being shipped from the island. One of the chiefs committed suicide by ripping open his bowels, and this experiment of surrender taught the Maroons what little clemency they had to expect from government. Two of the chiefs who had come to the out-posts to parley about pacification, on their return found that the Westmoreland militia had destroyed their town, burnt their provision grounds, and ill used their families. The sword was now drawn, and the scabbard was thrown away. Lord Balcarras had with him one hundred and fifty of the 13th Light Dragoons, dismounted; detachments of the 17th Light Dragoons, under Capt. Bacon; and one hundred of the 62d Foot.

So far from surrendering on the 12th, the Maroons were so incensed, that they attacked two of our detachments on that day, and severely handled them. Lord Balcarras ordered Col. Sandford to make a forward movement, which, in conjunction with the movements of the 83d and of the militia, was intended to surround the Maroon town. The Maroons allowed Col. Sandford to advance into a defile, when they opened a tremendous fire upon him from ambushes on his right and left, and killed him and almost all his men. Not a single Maroon was hurt. The whole plan had been badly contrived.

It was now resolved to surround both towns, and to destroy all the provision grounds. A track was cut through the thick brambles and brushwood, the line being guided by the bugles of the 17th Dragoons. After infinite toil in the rainy season, a light field-piece was brought up through this track, and both towns were taken possession of. But, to the astonish

ment of Lord Balcarras, they were found abandoned; the Maroons, as might have been expected, had retreated to the cockpit with all their valuables. Into this cockpit our troops were made to fire repeated volleys, the echoes of which were succeeded by loud bursts of laughter from the Maroons, who rejoiced at our waste of ammunition. Lord Balcarras now retired to Montego Bay, and left the command of the troops to Col. Fitch, of the 83d.

More wisdom now guided our measures, but, from unavoidable circumstances, almost all our outposts were surprised, our working-parties were destroyed by ambuscades, and our convoys and detachments generally cut to pieces. In but one instance could we ascertain that a single man of the enemy had been killed. Many parleys took place, but the horror of the Maroons at being sent on ship-board, prevented any favourable conclusion.

Colonel Fitch employed a strong working party of slaves, supported by several flanking companies of regulars and militia, to cut a line through the brush-wood and thorny brambles, that he might communicate with some corps on his right. They had scarcely worked half a mile from head quarters, when the party fell into an ambush, the troops suffered severely;

body of troops, with a howitzer and field-piece, up a hill, and at daybreak began to pour shells and grape-shot into the cockpit. The Maroons, terrified at this novel mode of attack, precipitately fled to the next cockpit, from which they were driven by similar means. They were thus driven from post to post, and cut off from their supplies of water. The measles broke out amongst them, and they became greatly distressed. Still, however, they were able to send out numerous skirmishing parties; and notwithstanding we were often able to attack them with greatly superior numbers, in no one instance could we obtain complete suc

cess.

powerful nation would be able to overcome. This will be sufficiently evident from the following concise view of the concerted expedi tions against the Algerines, and the bombardments to which their capitol has been subjected, during the three last centuries.

Charles V. of Spain collected at Majorca 70 galleys, 200 ships of war, and 10 smaller vessels, in which were embarked 6000 Spanish infantry, 5000 Italians, 8000 Germans, and 200 cavalry, with 3000 volunteers, the greater part of whom were veteran soldiers, and which sailed on the 15th of October, 1541. After a very unfavourable voyage they arrived before Algiers on the 20th of the same month. Hassan, to meet this powerful armament, had in garrison but 800 Janissaries and between 5 and 6000 Moors, part natives and part renegades, from Grenada. The natural obstacles of the country, the depth of the sands, and the steepness of the shores of the rivers to be passed, pre

sentatives' Hall. It was the exhibition of the two pupils from the Deaf and Dumb Asylum at Philadelphia, under the care of Mr. Weld, the Principal of that Institution, who attended in person with these interesting youths.-Among the audience we noticed the Hon. Secretary

of the Navy, the Speaker of the House of Re

presentatives, and numerous other members of both Houses of Congress, all of whom, together with the strangers and citizens present, appeared sensibly affected by the beautiful display of the youthful deaf mutes. Mr. Weld introduced his pupils to the assembly in a very handsome manner, and with an address so brief that we could have wished the time before the

meeting of the House, (11 o'clock,) would have allowed him to enlarge on this most important subject. He stated the number of deaf mutes

in the United States to be about six thousand. He presented the youth with him, not as hav

but declared he should ask them such questions as should arise from the suggestion of the moment, without their previous knowledge.

From simple propositions and questions, he went on to those more difficult, and required answers to questions put by gentlemen present.

sons of the assembly, were the following:"Who is the greatest man in the United States?" One of the boys immediately wrote on his slate, with incredible rapidity, "Mr. Webster," the other, "General Jackson."

and the Maroons massacred a great number of the negrocs. About a mile and a quarter from head-quarters, in another direction, there was an outpost of between thirty and forty men, commanded by Captain Lee, of the 83d, who had secured himself with palisadoes and a breast-work, but had reported that his post might be commanded by the Maroons from the heights. On the 12th of September, Colonel Fitch, at nine in the morning, went to visit the post, in company with the Adjutant of the 83d and many other officers. We may judge of the nature of the country from the fact, that Col. Fitch was obliged to make use of a compass, and to set his watch by that of Lieute-ing been trained for this particular exhibition, nant Dixon, of the Artillery, at head-quarters, who was desired to fire a field-piece precisely at twelve o'clock. Three hours were thus occupied in traversing one mile and a half. Col. Fitch found the post untenable, and he proceeded with a small party a few hundred yards in advance, to determine upon a better posi--Among the latter handed by different pertion. Coming to two diverging paths, he hesitated a minute which to take, when a sudden volley from the Maroons in the brushwood killed or wounded almost every man of the party. Colonel Jackson was unhurt, but seeing Colonel Fitch sitting desperately wounded on the stump of a tree, and hearing some Maroons cock their muskets, he endeavoured to make him lie down, but even in this hurried effort another ball killed him on the spot. Of a return before us of ninety-three killed and wounded, we find seventy killed and only twenty-three wounded, so accurate was their fire. Colonel Walpole, of the 13th Dragoons, was now appointed Commander-in-Chief, with the rank of Major-General. He declared that the Island would be lost, if the troops suffered another defeat. While maturing his plans, an attack was made upon a strong outpost, commanded by Major Godley and Captain White of the 83d. One of the sentries had declared that he saw a Maroon passing in the dark. The men were turned out, and formed into two parties, and advanced at daybreak. No vestige of an enemy appearing, they returned, and Major Godley entering his hut, ordered his negro boy to bring him his coffee. At the instant, the boy was shot through the head, and a volley from the Maroons did great execution amongst our men. The post was bravely defended, but at last abandoned with considerable loss.

General Walpole resolved to act on the defensive during the rainy season. He trained his men to light infantry manoeuvres and bushfighting; he selected the best rifle-shots, harassed the enemy by false alarms, and made feint attacks to draw off their attention, whilst he cleared the country around him of the brushwood and high grass. At length, making a feint attack at a distance, he pushed a strong

Jesus Christ?"

(Both parties, we presume, were satisfied.) "What ideas have you of the Supreme Being?" Answer. "He is the great infinite Spirit, the Creator of men, of animals, of all things: He Who is is here and there and every where." "He is the Son of God, our Saviour." "What is ambition?" "The feeling of rising up to celebrity or distinction." "What is the form of government of Republican." Every thought was combined and reduced to words with singular skill and promptness, while every expression of the countenance, and every motion of every part of the body, was "instinct with eloquence." No higher tribute could be paid to the signal success and pre-eminent usefulness of this mode of instruction, than was seen in the alternate smiles and tears of the

the United States ?" 66

deeply interested auditory.

French Expedition against Algiers.-It is distinctly announced in the speech of the French King, that energetic measures are about to be put in operation for the chastisement of Algiers. There is no doubt she richly deserves it, and few will regret to see it inflicted. The acknowledged bravery of the French, and their powerful marine, will, it is presumed, enable them to do it effectually. But it ought not to be forgotten, in anticipation of this event, that Algiers is strongly fortified, both by nature and art; that pestilence and burning sands will aid her in the conflict: and, in short, that the undertaking is fraught with hazards and difficulties which none but a brave and

of the military, the want of shelter to protect the troops from the night-dews, the violent storms that impeded their march and stranded the vessels, co-operating with the valour of Hassan and his Arabs, the Christians were driven back to their ships, and compelled to reembark and retire, leaving on the shores the wrecks of 15 galleys and 150 of their transports, with the bodies of 8000 of their drowned companions, and at least an equal number dead of fatigue, or fallen under the sabres of the Mahometans.

June, 1775, under the command of Rear AdmiThe Spanish Expedition in the month of ral Castejon and Gen. O'Reilly, composed of 7 ships of the line, 14 frigates, 24 gun boats, and other vessels, with 22,000 infantry and 1,100 cavalry, after a favourable passage,of 24 hours, arrived on the coast. The landing was effected, but with great difficulty; and the Spaniards, though making the most obstinate efforts to advance, and sustaining the most bloody conflicts, were compelled to retreat in the greatest disorder, the cavalry being routed, of Arabs mounted on camels. The Spaniards and driven back upon the infantry, by a body had 600 men killed, and left behind them 1,800 wounded.

Of the bombardments of Algiers, the most celebrated were those of Admiral Duquesne, which produced but a momentary satisfaction, and that under lord Exmuth in 1816. On the last occasion, notwithstanding the terrible effects of the fire from the ships upon the harbour and fort, if the Dey had not yielded to the alarms and threats of the inhabitants, and had deferred entering into treaty for twenty-four hours longer, the British squadron would have been obliged to retire, without having obtained any other advantage than the destruction of for, one first rate man of man, one 74 gun ship, the few vessels which the Algerines possessed; and a 60 gun frigate, had suffered most severe. ly from the batteries, which were casemated. It is evident, therefore, that any expedition against this formidable horde of pirates, whether by sea or land, is an enterprise of the most arduous nature, and requiring the utmost foresight, prudence and energy--Morning Journal.

THE SPECTRE SHIP OF SALEM.*

THE Rev. Cotton Mather, D. D. and F. R. S., an eminent clergyman of Boston, in Massachusetts, who flourished about the end of the 17th century, wrote a curious book, entitled "Magnalia Christi Americana," in which he has exhibited, not only his own, but the prevalent superstitions of the times in which he lived. The cantry had been in the language of that period, exposed to "war from the invisible world," during which the inhabitants were afflicted with demons, and so wrought upon by spectres, as to pine, languish, and die

* Dr. Cotton Mather's Magnalia Christi Americana.

under excruciating torments. Sometimes the demons attacked one part of the country, and sometimes another; and the object of the learned and Reverend Doctor's book, is to authenticate the very tragical instances in which they infested the houses and afflicted the persons of the inhabitants. "Flashy people," says he, "may burlesque these things, but when hundreds of the most sober people in a country, where they have as much mother-wit certainly as the rest of mankind, know them to be true, nothing but the absurd and froward spirit of sadducism can question them. I have not mentioned so much as one thing, that will not be justified, if it be required, by the oaths of more consistent persons than any that can ridicule these odd phenomena." And certainly few facts, if we may judge by the evidence, have been better established than the existence of witchcraft, and the wars of prodigious spirits in the provinces of New England, during the time of Dr. Mather. We have accounts of trials conducted with all the forms and implements of jurisprudence, in which many persons were convicted of holding communication with demons; and we have, what is still more remarkable, voluntary confessions of parties, acknowledging themselves in league with the devil. So far, therefore, as the records and archives of courts of law can verify the truth of any investigation, we must believe that many of the things which Dr. Mather has set forth, are not only true as historical events, but also naturally incident, however rarely, to the condition and fortunes of men. It is not for us, however, to argue this matter, but many of the Doctor's stories are really striking, reviewing them merely as connexions of fancy, and some of the phenomena which he describes, and boasts of having witnesses to confirm, have in different ages been seen in similar forms, and in countries far remote from New England. The prodigy of the Cross which Constantine and his army beheld in the air, is of this description; and the apocalypse vouchsafed to Godfrey, in the Crusade, is of the same character. Dr. Mather describes noises and hurtlings heard in the air, a short time prior to the Indian war of 1675, accompanied with the beating of drums, as in a battle. But without entering into any particular disquisition concerning these omens and augu ries, we shall here present a version of his story of the naval apparition, only premising that it contains several particulars which the Doctor has not noticed, but which, we are persuaded, are not less true than those he has related.

A ship called "Noah's Dove," was preparing to sail from the port of Salem for "Old England," when a young man accompanied by his bride, came and engaged berths for himself and her, as passengers. No one in Salem was in the slightest degree acquainted with this handsome couple, nor did they themselves seek any acquaintance in the town; but until the vessel was ready, lived in the most secluded state. Their conduct was perfectly blameless, and their appearance was highly respectable; but the sharp-sighted people of Salem knew the prestigious appearances of the demons which afflicted the country, and they discerned something about them which could not be deemed otherwise than mysterious.

Many persons intending to revisit their friends in the old country, took passages also in the Noah's Dove; but the friends of some of them thought they were rash in doing so, and that it would be as well to learn something of their two questionable fellow-passengers, before hazarding themselves at sea with persons so unknown and singular. Those admonitions gave occasion to much talk in Salem; but instead of having the effect intended, a fatal obstinacy became prevalent, and prevented every one who proposed to sail with the vessel, from paying the slightest attention to them. This strange infatuation only served to deepen the interest which the town took in the departure of the ship.

At last, the day appointed for her sailing arrived. Never had such a solemn day been seen in Salem; and, moreover, it happened to be a Friday; for the captain was not such a godly man as the mariners of Salem generally were in those days. A great multitude crowded the wharves, to see their relations embark, -all were sorrowful, and many in tears. At last, the ship hoisted the signal for sailing, and, wonderful to tell, at the same time that the flag was unfurled, a black bird, much like a raven, alighted on the hand of the town clock, and by its weight pushed it forward, some said full ten minutes. Every one who witnessed this sight, was struck with horror, and some laid hands upon their relations, to prevent them from embarking. But those who had engaged to go with the fated vessel, were wilful, and would not be controlled.

During these struggles, the two unknown strangers came also to embark, and she that was the bride was in tears, weeping bitterly. However, they stepped on board, and a sudden gust of wind at that moment, (the ship being cast loose from her moorings,) made her yaw off, and she was almost instantly at sea. The crowd, however, remained anxiously watching her progress, until she was out of sight. They then returned to their respective homes; and the whole conversation of Salem for that evening, was saddened with presentiments and forebodings concerning the Noah's Dove.

In the course of the night, the breeze freshened into a gale, which before the morning was heightened to a tempest. The sea raged with tremendous fury, and the wrack of clouds that careered in the heavens, was scarcely less tumultuous than the waves of the angry ocean below. All the inhabitants of Salem were persuaded that the hurricane had something to do with the mysterious passengers in the Noah's Dove. Many were instinctively convinced, that the ship had perished, and resigned themselves to grief. For three days and three nights, the wrath of the storm was unmitigated. On the contrary, it seemed to increase; for although it was then midsummer, dreadful showers of hail, mingled-with fire, and thunder, louder than had ever been heard before, pealed continually. No man could doubt the fate of the Noah's Dove. Indeed, it was the persuasion of all, that every vessel which was so unfortunate as to be within the sweep and phrenzy of the winds and waves, could not survive the vehemence of their distraction.

The sun, on the morning of the fourth day, burst through the clouds in great splendourthe winds almost instantly became calm-the hail ceased-the thunder was mute-and the billows, from raging surges, rolled themselves into a noiseless swell. A change so abrupt, convinced the pious citizens of Salem that the doom of the vessel was sealed; and although it was in vain to expect that the sea would present them with any sight of her wreck, or of that of other vessels, they hastened in great numbers down to the shore, where they stood until sunset, gazing and wondering, with anxiety and sorrow.

Just as the sun disappeared, a sound of exclamation and hurry, accompanied by a bustling movement, arose from a group of persons who were standing on the top of a rock, considerably elevated above the crowd, and some cried that a vessel was in sight. The whole multitude, on hearing this, were thrown into commotion, and fluctuated to and fro, cager to catch a glimpse of this unexpected phenome

non.

It was, however, long before she came distinctly in sight, for any wind which was then blowing was off the shore, and against the vessel; insomuch, that an old grey-headed sailor among the spectators, declared that it was impossible she could work into the harbour that night. But, to their astonishment, she still came forward, with her yards squared and her sails full, notwithstanding she was steering in the wind's eye; before her hull could be properly seen, it was the opinion of

all who beheld her that it was the Noah's Dove.

By this time twilight was much faded, but it began to be observed that the ship brightened, as if some supernatural light shone upon her, and upon her alone. This wonderful circumstance was not long matter of doubt, or question, for, when the stars appeared, she was seen as distinctly as if she had been there in the blaze of noon-day, and a panic of dread and terror fell upon the whole multitude.

The Rev. Zebedee Stebbin, who was then in the crowd, an acute man, and one who feared the Lord, knew that the apparent ship was a device of the prestigious spirits, and that it behoved all present to pray for protection against them; he therefore mounted upon a large stone, and called on the spectators to join him in the 46th Psalm, which he himself began, repeating the line aloud, and then singing. The shores echoed with the solemn melody, and the rising wind wafted it along the increasing waves.

Whilst the worship was going on, the sound of sudden cries and lamentations, as of persons in jeopardy, was heard in the air; the ship at the same time came straight on into the harbour, and being illuminated as described, was seen rigged out in every part exactly like the Noah's Dove. Many of the spectators saw their friends on board, and would have shouted to them with joy, but there was something dismal and strange in their appearance, which awed them to remain silent. The stranger young man and his bride were seen tenderly embracing each other, but no noise or voice was heard on board. At that moment the masts and rigging fell into the sea as if they had been struck down with lightning, and signals of distress were displayed, but still mo sound was heard.

The multitude suspended their breathing, convinced that the vision before them was the unsubstantial creation of the prestigious spirits. This belief entered all their minds simultaneously, and in the same moment the mighty spectre vanished.

The Noah's Dove was never heard of, and it was believed that in that hour, riven by the lightning and the tempest, she had foundered.

"Count me not," says the Rev. Dr. Mather, at the conclusion of his narration, "struck with the Livian superstition, in reporting prodigies for which I have such incontestable proofs." NANTUCKET.

LADY BYRON'S LETTER TO MR.

MOORE.

"I have disregarded various publications in which facts within my own knowledge have been grossly misrepresented; but I am called upon to notice some of the erroneous statements proceeding from one who claims to be considered as Lord Byron's confidential and authorized friend. Domestic details ought not to be intruded on the public attention; if, however, they are so intruded, the persons affected by them have a right to refute injurious charges. Mr. Moore has promulgated his own impressions of private events in which I was most nearly concerned, as if he possessed a competent knowledge of the subject. Having survived Lord Byron, I feel increased reluctance to advert to any circumstances connected with the period of my marriage; nor is it now my intention to disclose them, further than may be indispensably requisite for the end I have in view. Self-vindication is not the motive which actuates me to make this appeal, and the spirit of accusation is unmingled with it; but when the conduct of my parents is brought forward in a disgraceful light, by the passage selected from Lord Byron's Letters, and by the remarks of his biographer, I feel bound to justify their characters from imputations which I know to be false.

The passages from Lord Byron's Letters to which I refer, are the aspersion on my mo ther's character, p. 648, I. 4:- My child is