2 pease in ten' shillings, and not easy to be procured neither; which made it the more excusable in them that at that time sold the Indian corn, which they brought from Virginia, at ten shillings per bushel. For at this time, the people of the country in general were, like the poor widow, brought to the last handful of meal in the barrel, before the said ship arrived, which made them improve part of the new supply in a solemn day of thanksgiving that spring. Things thus happening in the Plantations of New England, it carried the resemblance of a cloud of darkness to some, as of light to others; which appeared by the return of some to England the next opportunity, with intent never to see New England again, as did Mr. Sharp and some others: while others returned only to fetch over their families and the residue of their estates, as did Mr. Wilson, who (with Mr. Coddington, that went from Boston,3 April the 1st, 1631, and arrived at London, April the 29th of the same month,) having commended the congregation of Boston to the grace of God by fervent prayers when he took his leave of them, and to the care of Mr. Winthrop and Mr. Dudley, with other godly and able Christians in the time of his absence, for carrying on the worship of God on the Lord's day, by prophesying (as they called it in those times at Plymouth,) till his return. No doubt but these prayers were heard, as well for the protection and preservation of them that staid, as of them that were going to sea, both for themselves and them that were going that way about the same time as was found in several of the fleet that returned not till the spring, and were at that time mercifully preserved. The Ambrose being new masted at Charlestown, had spent all her masts by a storm about Newfoundland, and was left as a wreck upon the sea in a perishing condition, had not Mr. Peirse in the Lyon, (with whom they consorted,) towed them home to Bristol. Three other ships of the fleet, viz. the Charles, the Success, and the Whale, were set upon by the Dunkirkers, near Plymouth in England, and after long fight, having lost many men, 'About eleven, say Winthrop and Dudley.-H. In a pinnace of eighteen tons, to Salem, May 27, 1631. Sav. Win. i. 56.—н. 'An error; it should be Salem. Ibid. 51-2.-H. A mistake; they returned to England in Aug. 1630.-H. and being much torn, (especially the Charles,) they gat safe into Plymouth at last. But as some were earnestly striving by prayer, travels, and other endeavors, to promote the welfare of this Colony of the Massachusetts, so were others found as active and busy to obstruct and hinder the progress thereof; stirred up, no doubt, by the same spirit which moved Amalek of old to set upon Israel in their rear, when they were weak and unable to defend themselves. For about the 14th of June, 1631, a shallop from Pascataqua arrived at Boston, which brought news of a small English ship, by the which Captain Neal, Governor of Pascataqua, sent a packet of letters to the Governor, directed to Sir Christopher Gardiner, which were opened, because they were sent to one that was their prisoner; and thereby it was understood that they came from Sir Ferdinando Gorges, who claimed a great part of the Bay of Massachusetts. In the same packet came another letter to Thomas Morton, sent prisoner before into England by order from thence. By that letter it was perceived likewise, that the writer of them had some secret design to recover his pretended right, and that he reposed much trust in Sir Christopher Gardiner for that end. But the said Gardiner being now imprisoned at Boston, (of which more shall be said afterwards, chap. xxvi,) in order for his sending home for England, after Morton, the said letters were opened by authority of the country, being sent to them that were illwillers to the place. And Ratcliffe also being fallen under the same or worse condemnation, the Colony was now at peace and quiet to attend the necessary occasions at home, leaving their three grand enemies to carry on their purposes (as they saw good) elsewhere. But it appeared in the issue that no weapon formed against them whom God hath a mind to preserve and bless, shall ever prosper and take place. 4 July the 6th of this year, 1631, a small ship, called the Plough, came into Nantasket with a company of Familists, called the Husbandmen5 Company, bound for Sagadehock, called by some the Plough-Patent. But not liking the place they returned to Boston, and carrying their 1 25th, says Winthrop.-H., * I. e. the shallop.—н. 3 Perhaps it should be Governor.— -H. "Mr. Graves, master," says Winthrop, i. 58.-H. • Husband and in the MS.; evidently a mistake in transcribing. Ib. 58.-H. vessel up towards Watertown, (a Plantation for husbandmen principally,) they laid her bones there; but themselves soon after vanished away, and came to nothing.1 October 22, 1631, came a letter from Captain Wiggan of Pascataqua River, informing of a murther committed by an Indian sagamore and his company upon one Walter Bagnall, called Great Watt, and one I. P., that kept with him, at Richmond's Island. The Indians having killed the two men, burnt the house, and carried away the goods. He persuaded the Governor to send twenty men presently after them to take revenge. But the Governor, advising with the Council, understood that Captain Neal had sent after them, and having no boats fit for such an expedition, thought it best to sit still awhile. It was commonly reported that the said Bagnall had been servant to one in the Bay, and the last three years had lived alone, with one other in his company, at the said isle, where he had shewed himself a very wicked fellow, and had much wronged the Indians, who were now, by the just hand of God, let loose upon him. "He that gathereth riches, and not by right," (for he had gotten £3002 estate by such ways,)" is like a partridge that scrapeth eggs together and hatcheth them not; and in the end shall die a fool." 3 But these things being premised, it is in the next place to be considered what troubles did arise among themselves. For the people, at their first coming over hither, were not much unlike a stock of bees newly swarmed from their old hive, which are not ofttimes without much difficulty settled in their new one, and are very apt to be disturbed with every little occasion, and not easily quieted again, as may appear by what fell out in one of the first churches. For in the congregation settled at Watertown in the year 1630, under the charge of Mr. George Phillips, (an able and faithful minister of the Gospel at Bocksted, near Groton, in Suffolk,) was no little trouble raised by Richard Browne, their ruling elder, (who was thought sometimes to overrule the church there,) a man of a violent disposition, and one of the Separation in England, and by his natural temper fit for See Savage's Winthrop, i. 58, 60; and page 368.-H. 3 Jerem. xvii. 11.-H. their purpose. He had raised a great dust in the place by the eager defending of a question (at that time needlessly started) about the truth of the present Church of Rome: the said Browne stiffly maintained the truth of the said Church. Sure it was not out of his charity to the Romish Christians, to provide them a place of safety to retreat unto, in case other churches should declare against them as a synagogue of Satan, rather than the spouse of Christ, (although the Reformed Churches did not use to rebaptize those that renounce the religion of Rome and embrace that of the Reformation,) and so unchurch them but the violence of some men's tempers makes them raise debates, when they do not justly offer themselves, and like millstones grind one another when they want other grist. The Governor wrote a letter to the congregation, directed to the pastor and brethren; to advise them to take it into consideration, whether the said Browne was fit to be continued their elder or not. The congregation was much divided about him, upon that and some other errors, and both parties repaired to the Governor for assistance, who promised to give them a meeting at Watertown, December 8, 1631, which accordingly he did, being accompanied with the Deputy Governor and others of the Assistants, with the elder of the congregation of Boston. When they were assembled, the Governor told them they might proceed either as magistrates, their assistance being formerly desired by them, or as members of a neighbor congregation; in which respect they yielded to let the matters in controversy be declared; when after much agitation they came to this conclusion, that their ruling elder was guilty of errors in judgment and conversation, on which account they could not communicate with him till they were reformed. Whereupon they agreed to seek God in a day of humiliation, and so by solemn writing each party promised to reform what was amiss; yet this agreement was not so well observed but that afterward new stirs were raised in that town, but upon a civil and not ecclesiastical account. For in February following, those of Watertown made some op 1 Should probably be Court. See Savage's Winthrop, i. 67.-H. Increase Nowell. Ibid.-H. This word should be uniting. Ibid. 3 68.-H. position against a levy that was to be raised upon them towards public charges, of which their share was but £8, which yet they stood so much upon their liberty as to refuse the payment [of, ] because they took the government to be only like that of a Mayor and Aldermen, who have no power to make laws, or raise taxes, without the people. But being called before the Governor and Assistants,' they were told that the government was rather in the nature of a Parliament, in that the Assistants were chosen by the people at a General Court every year, when the people had a free liberty to choose Assistants and remove them, if need were, to consider and propound matters of that nature, or any matter of grievance, without being subject to question; with which they were not only fully satisfied, but convinced of their former error, which they publicly acknowledged. Yet for all this did some further leaven of the former schism still continue at Watertown, so as they saw it necessary, in July following, to set the Separatists a day,2 wherein to come in, or else to be liable to church censure. All persons submitted within the time, save one,3 who had so much stomach as not to yield till he was censured, soon after which he submitted himself. During the infancy of the government, in these their weak beginnings, when they were both feeble and few in number, it pleased God, who hath the hearts of all men in his hand, to lay such a restraint on the heathen, (or else the false alarums in September, 1632, that made such distraction, might have been to their destruction, if it had been a true one,) so that their chief sagamores, both near by and more remote, made divers overtures of friendship with them, proffering some of them many kindnesses, which they knew not well how to refuse, nor accept; not much unlike them that hold a wolf by the ears. Amongst the rest, August 5, 1632, one of the great sachems of the Narhagansets, (that most populous company of all the Indians in those parts,) called Mecumel,* but afterwards Miantonimo, of whom there will be more occasion to speak in the year 1643, came down to Boston to make peace or a league with the English, either out I know 1 On Feb. 17. Sav. Win. i. 70.-H. John Masters, by name. Ibid.-H. 2 July 5. Ibid. 81.-H. |