order for the issuing of a new coin. The mint-master was "enjoined, out of the first bullion that came to New coinage. his hands, to coin two-penny pieces of silver, in May 7. proportion according to the just value and alloy of other moneys allowed here, to answer the occasions of the country for exchange." The coin thus authorized continued to be struck for a long time, like that of ten years before; and, as in the former case, all the pieces were stamped with the date of the year when the first of them were issued.

to

In the judgment of the Court, it had "pleased the Lord, after many years of fatherly tenderness, change his way, turning healthiness into sickliness, and sweet union to much disunion," so that they found “their spirits many ways exercised as to events, and unsettled as to truths of great consequence;" and they proclaimed

1 Mass. Rec., IV. (ii.) 51, 52; see above, p. 405. There is a story that Charles the Second complained to Sir Thomas Temple of the presumption of the Massachusetts people in coining money; that Sir Thomas showed him a piece of it, and explained that the tree on one side represented the Royal Oak, which after Worcester fight hid the Majesty of England; and that the reconciled and gratified King exclaimed, “Ah, yes! jolly dogs! jolly dogs!" (Comp. Memoirs of Thomas Hollis, I. 397.) The story derives some confirmation from a document of the year 1684, in the Massachusetts Archives (CVI. 336), in which it is said: "In 1662, when our first agents were in England, some of our money was showed by Sir Thomas Temple at the Council table, and no dislike of it manifested by any of those Right Honorable persons."

Though the tree on the coins bears no special resemblance to a pine, and that on some of them, like the proto

type in the original record of the order, no resemblance at all, yet it is highly probable that there was a certain mental association between the rude form and the tree which made such a figure in the New-England landscape, and which was adopted into the original seal of Massachusetts.

In the last year of the Protector Oliver, he made Temple "Governor of Acadie and Nova Scotia," with a boundary touching "St. George's and Muscongus, on the confines of New England, on the west." (Mass. Rec., IV. (i.) 355.) The sudden change of affairs, which gave him a motive for hunting regicides, (see above, p. 504, note 1,) sent him also to recommend himself personally in England. He was there, I suppose, but a few months; and when he came back, he had been "constituted and appointed Governor of Acadie and Nova Scotia, by letter patents and commission, granted him by his most excellent Majesty." (Mass. Rec., IV. (ii.) 74.)

a Fast-day, of which one object was defined to be, to implore Divine "assistance with the agents abroad."

Meanwhile reports came to Boston that the agents had been imprisoned, and that Norton was in the Tower. But nothing of the kind took place. Their reception was favorable far beyond their hopes. At London, indeed, they were confronted by George Fox, by " John Copeland, whose ear was cut off at Boston," and by other Quakers. Fox told them, that, "if the father of William Robinson were in town, it was probable he would question them, and bring their lives into jeopardy; for he, not being of the Quakers' persuasion, would perhaps not have so much regard to the point of forbearance as they had." Upon this, says the Quaker historian, "Bradstreet, seeing himself in danger, began to flinch and to skulk," and, "not thinking it safe to stay in England, left the city, and, with his companions, went back again to New England." "

2

They did not, however, return from fear of the Quakers, who had little power to annoy them; but because their business was done. Lord Say and Sele wrote that he had "not been wanting both to the King and Council" in advancing their suit. The influence of others of the Puritan friends of Massachusetts was still considerable; and Lord Clarendon was 'not disposed to quarrel with her till he should understand better her position and her resources, and should see a more trustworthy settlement 3 of affairs at home. The agents returned, bringand Norton. ing a gracious answer from the King. He told Sept. 3. the men of Massachusetts that their Address to him had been "very acceptable;" that he "received

Return of

Bradstreet

1 Mass. Rec., IV. (ii.) 45. 2 Sewel, 279, 280.

3 Some of the statements which reached the minister from enemies of Massachusetts were suitable to make him cautious, as well as to make him jealous. "If they fortify Piscataqua

River for themselves, as they have subjugated it, and now arm against the Dutch New Netherland, with their United Colonies they may be the invincible states in America." (Henry Gardener, New England's Vindication, 7.)

Letter from

June 28.

them into his gracious protection," "confirmed the patent and charter heretofore granted to them," and was "ready to renew the same," if so desired; and the King. that he "pardoned all his subjects of that plantation for all crimes and offences committed against him during the late troubles, except any such persons who stood attainted of high treason, if any such persons had transported themselves into those parts."

But the missive had other contents, of a different description. The King declared his "expectation" that henceforward the oath of allegiance should be taken by the Colonists; that the administration of justice should be in his name; and that "all laws and ordinances . contrary or derogative to his authority and government" should be annulled and repealed." "We do hereby charge and require you," he wrote, "that they that desire to use the Book of Common Prayer, and perform their devotion in the manner that is established here, be not denied the exercise thereof, or undergo any prejudice or disadvantage thereby, they using their liberty peaceably without any disturbance to others; and that all persons of good and honest lives and conversations be admitted to the sacrament of the Lord's Supper, according to the said Book of Common Prayer, and their children to baptism." And he "commanded all persons concerned, that, in the election of the Governor or Assistants, there should be only consideration of the wisdom and integrity of the persons to be chosen, and not of any faction with reference to their opinion or profession; and that all the freeholders of competent estates, not vicious in conversations, orthodox in religion, (though of different persuasions concerning church-government,) might have their vote in the election of all officers, civil or military." The letter was to "be communicated and published at the next General Court." 1

1 Hutch. Coll., 377-380; comp. Mass. Hist. Coll., XVIII. 47. In con

junction with the rule respecting toleration, the King writes: "We cannot

It was published accordingly, to the exceeding displeasure of many of the hearers. "There were many who would not stick to say that Mr. Norton had laid the foundation of ruin to all our liberties." Bradstreet, besides being of a more phlegmatic temper, was less an object of odium, as being by no means of equal reputation for ability. But the general condemnation was more than Norton-hitherto always riding the topmost wave of popular favor― could endure. It cannot be inferred that a man of character is not distressed by estrangement and obloquy, because he will not allow them to change his course. Norton was not of a buoyant constitution. He drooped under the displeasure of his neighbors. He thought he had lost all his friends. He withdrew to solitude, and there brooded and pined. "It was commonly judged, that the smothered griefs of his mind, upon the unkind resentments which he thought many people had of his faithful and sincere endeavors to serve them, did more than a little hasten his end."1 He lived but seven or eight months after his return. After attendJohn Norton. ing public worship on a Sunday, he fell in a fit, 2 and died at evening. The fatal disease was believed to have been a bleeding heart. The Quakers set it down for a Divine judgment.s

Death of

1663. April 5.

Proceedings

The Court, annoyed by the royal demands, but distrustful and divided as to the degree of resistance which the circumstances would justify, resorted to that of the Court temporizing policy which in other times had served the Colony so well. For the present they made no further compliance with the royal requiOct. 8. sition than to direct that it should be published, and to order "that henceforth all writs, process,

in relation to the King's demands.

1662.

be understood hereby to direct or wish that any indulgence should be granted to those persons commonly called Quakers, whose principles being inconsistent with any kind of government, we have found it necessary, with the advice of

our Parliament here, to make a sharp law against them, and are well content you do the like there."

1 Mather, Magnalia, III. 38.

2 Hull, in Archæol. Amer., III. 207. 3 Sewel, 333.

6

with indictments, should, by all magistrates, the Secretary, clerk of the several courts and writs, be made and sent forth in his Majesty's name; - i. e. You are hereby required, in his Majesty's name,' &c., any usage or custom to the contrary notwithstanding." As to the rest, "forasmuch as the said letter had influence upon the churches as well as the civil state," they "ordered that all manner of actings in relation thereunto should be suspended until the next General Court, that so all persons concerned might have time and opportunity to consider of what was necessary to be done in order to his Majesty's pleasure therein." Then, putting a good face upon affairs, and sincerely inclined to own occasions for gratitude, as well as to keep their associates in good heart, they appointed a day of public thanksgiving for "the safe and speedy return of the public messengers sent for England, together with the continuance of the mercies of peace, liberties, and the Gospel." But it became the freemen to be thoughtful and vigilant, as well as thankful; and, at the same time, a day of fasting and humiliation was appointed to be kept a month later, "on account of the afflictive and low estate of the cause and people of God universally, with the prevailing power of Antichrist over the reformed churches beyond the seas, together with some public rebukes of God among ourselves." The Court could not be doubtful as to the interpretation which, in the third year of King Charles the Second, the Fast-day sermons would give to the phrases, "public rebuke,” the “low estate of the cause and people of God," and the "prevailing power of Antichrist."

Other measures of the session indicate the temper which prevailed. The law for scourging "vagabond Quakers," which had been suspended in compliance with the royal will, was re-enacted, with some trifling qualifications.1 "For prevention of irregularities and abuse

VOL. II.

1 Mass. Rec., IV. (ii.) 58-60.

45