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tial or transient benefit which the use can at conduct of the government in making it, and at any time yield. for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for Of all the dispositions and habits which lead obtaining revenue which the public exigencies) to political prosperity, religion and morality are may at any time dictate. indispensable supports. In vain would that Observe good faith and justice towards all man claim the tribute of patriotism, who would nations, cultivate peace and harmony with all; labor to subvert these great pillars of human-religion and morality enjoin this conduct happiness, these firmest props of the duties of and can it be that good policy does not equally men and citizens. The mere politician, equal- enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enly with the pious man, ought to respect and to lightened, and (at no distant period) a great cherish them. A volume could not trace all nation, to give to mankind a magnanimous and their connexions with private and public feli- too novel example of a people always guided city. Let it simply be asked, where is the se- by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who curity for property, for reputation, for life, if the can doubt that in the course of time and things, sense of religious obligation desert the oaths the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any which are the instruments of investigation in temporal advantages which might be lost by a courts of justice? and let us with caution in- steady adherence to it? Can it be, that Providulge the supposition, that morality can be dence has not connected the permanent felicity maintained without religion. Whatever may of a nation with virtue? The experiment, at be conceded to the influence of refined educa- least, is recommended by every sentiment? tion on minds of peculiar structure; reason and which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it? experience both forbid us to expect that na- rendered impossible by its vices? tional morality can prevail in exclusion of reli- In the execution of such a plan, nothing is gious principle. more essential than that permanent, inveterate It is substantially true, that virtue or morality antipathies against particular nations, and pasis a necessary spring of popular government.- sionate attachments for others should be excluThe rule indeed extends with more or less ded, and that in the place of them just amicaforce to every species of free government. Who ble feelings towards all should be cultivated.— that is a sincere friend to it, can look with in- The nation, which indulges towards another difference upon attempts to shake the founda-an habitual hatred or an habitual fondness, is tion of the fabric? in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its aniPromote, then, as an objects of primary im-mosity, or to its affection either of which is portance, institution for the general diffusions of sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its knowledge. In proportion as the structure of interest. Antipathy in one nation against anoa government gives force to public opinion, it ther, disposes each more readily to offer insult is essential that public opinion should be en- and injury-to lay hold of slight causes of umlightened. brage, and to be haughty and intractable when
As a very important source of strength and accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. security, cherish public credit. One method of Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenpreserving it is to use it as sparingly as possi-omed and bloody contests. The nation, promptble; avoiding occasions of expense by cultiva-ed by ill will and resentment, sometimes imting peace, but remembering, also, that timely pels to war the Government, contrary to the disbursements to prepare for dangers, frequent-best calculations of policy. The Government ly prevent much greater disbursements to re-sometimes participates in the national propenpel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of sity, and adopts through passion what reason debt, not only by shunning occasions of ex- would reject; at other times it makes the anipense, but by vigorous exertions in time of mosity of the nation subservient to projects of peace to discharge the debts which unavoida- hostility instigated by pride, ambition, and othable wars may have occasioned, not ungener-er sinister and pernicious motives. The peace ously throwing upon posterity the burthen often, sometimes. perhaps, the Liberty of nawhich we ourselves ought to bear. The exe- tions has been the victim.
cution of these maxims belongs to your repre- So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one sentatives, but it is necessary that public opin-nation for another produces a variety of evils. ion should co-operate. To facilitate to them Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the performance of their duty, it is essential the illusion of an imaginary common interest, that you should practically bear in mind, that in cases where no real common interest exists, towards the payment of debts there must be and infusing into one the enmities of the other, revenue. That to have revenue there must be betrays the former into a participation in the taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are quarrels and wars of the latter, without adenot more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; quate inducement or justification. It leads that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable also to concessions to the favorite nation of from the selection of the proper objects (which privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly is always a choice of difficulties) ought to be a to injure the nation making the concessions, by decisive motive for a candid construction of the unnecessarily parting with what ought to have
been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill-will cause the neutrality we may at any time) will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the par-resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; ties from whom equal privileges are withheld; when belligerent nations, under the impossiand it gives to ambitious, corrupted or deluded bility of making acquisitions upon us, will not? citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite lightly hazard the giving us provocations nation) facility to betray, or sacrifice the inter- when we may choose peace or war, as our inests of their own country, without odium, terest, guided by justice, shall counsel. sometimes even with popularity; gilding with Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a the appearances of a virtuous sense of obliga- situation? Why quit our own to stand upon tion a commendable deference for public opin- foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our ion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the destiny with that of any part of Europe, enbase or foolish compliances of ambition, cor- tangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of ruption or infatuation. European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor
As avenues to foreign influence in innumer- or caprice? able ways, such attachments are particularly It is our true policy to steer clear of permaalarming to the truly enlightened and indepen-nent alliancess with any portion of the foreign dent patriot. How many opportunities do world-so far, I mean, as we are now at liberthey afford to tamper with domestic factions, ty to do it; for let me not be understood as cato practice the arts of seduction, to mislead pable of patronizing infidelity to existing enpublic opinion, to influence or awe the public gagements. I hold the maxim no less applicouncils! Such an attachment of a small or cable to public than to private affairs, that honweak, towards a great and powerful nation, esty is always the best policy. I repeat it, dooms the former to be the satelite of the therefore, let those engagements be observed Slatter. in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it Against the insidious wiles of foreign influ-is unnecessary, and would be unwise, to ex-2 ence, (I conjure you to believe me, fellow tend them. citizens,) the jealousy of a free people ought to Taking care alwaos to keep ourselves, by be constantly awake; since history and expe- suitable establishments, on a respectable defenrience prove that foreign influence is one of sive posture, we may safely trust to temporary the most baneful foes of Republican Govern- alliances for extraordinary emergencies ment. But that jealousy, to be useful, must Harmony and a liberal intercourse with all be impartial, else it becomes the instrument of nations are recommended by policy, humanity the very influence to be avoided, instead of a and interest. But even our commercial policy? defence against it. Excessive partiality for should hold an equal and impartial hand; neione foreign nation, and excessive dislike of ther seeking nor granting exclusive favors or another, causes those whom they actuate, to preferences; consulting the natural course of see danger only on one side, and serve to veil things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle and even second the arts of influence on the means the streams of commerce, but forcing other. Real patriots, who may resist the in-nothing; establishing, with powers so dispotrigues of the favorite, are liable to become sed, in order to give trade a stable course, to suspected and odious, while its tools and dupes define the rights of our merchants, and to enausurp the applause and confidence of the peo-ble the government to support them; convenple, to surrender their interests. tional rules of intercourse, the best that present
The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, foreign nations, is in extending our commer- but temporary, and liable to be from time to time cial relations, to have with them as little politi- abandoned or varied, as experience and circal connexion as possible. So far as we have cumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping already formed engagements, let them be ful-in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for filled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. disinterested favors from another; that it must Europe has a set of primary interests, which pay with a portion of its independence for to us have none, or a very remote relation.-whatever it may accept under that character; Hence she must be engaged in frequent con- that by such acceptance, may place itself in troversies, the causes of which are essentially the condition of having given equivalents for foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it nominal favors, and yet of being reproached must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, with ingratitude for not giving more. There by artifical ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of can be no greater error than to expect or calher politics, or the ordinary combinations and culate upon real favors from nation to nation. collisions of her friendships or enmities. 'Tis an illusion which experience must cure, Our detached and distant situation invites which a just pride ought to discard. and enables us to pursue a different course. If In offering to you,, my countrymen, these we remain one people, under an efficient gov-counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I ernment, the period is not far off, when we dare not hope they will make the strong and may defy material injury from external annoy-lasting impression I could wish that they will ance; when we may take such an attitude as control the usual current of the passions, or
prevent our nation from ranning the course obligation which justice and humanity impose which has hitherto marked the destiny of na-on every nation, in cases in which it is free to tions; but if I may even flatter myself that free to act to maintain inviolate the relations they may be productive of some partial bene- of peace and amity towards other nations. fit, some occasional good-that they may now The inducements of interest for observing and then recur to moderate the fury of party that conduct will best be referred to your own spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign reflections and experience. With me, a preintrigue, to guard against the impostures of dominant motive has been to endeavor to gain? pretended patriotism-this hope will be a full time to our Country to settle and mature its recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, yet recent institutions, and to progress, withby which they have been dictated. out interruption, to that degree of strength and How far, in the discharge of my official du- consistency, which is necessary to give it, huties, I have been guided by the principles manely speaking, the command of its own forwhich have been delineated, the public records tunes.
and other evidences of my conduct must wit- Though in reviewing the incidents of my adness to you and to the world. To myself, the ministration, I am unconscious of intentional? assurance of my own conscience is, that I have error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my deat least believed myself to be guided by them. fects not to think it probable that I may have In relation to the still subsisting war in Eu-committed many errors. Whatever they may rope, my proclamation of the 22d of April, be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. your approving voice, and by that of your Re- I shall also carry with me the hope that my presentatives in both Houses of Congress, the Country will never cease to view them with spirit of that measure has continually governed indulgence; and that after forty-five years of me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or my life dedicated to its service, with an updivert me from it. right zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities After deliberate examination, with the aid will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must of the best lights I could obtain, I was well soon be to the mansions of rest. satisfied that our Country, under all the cir Relying on its kindness in this as in other cumstances of the case, had a right to take, things, and actuated by that fervent love toand was bound in duty and interest, to take a wards it, which is so natural to a man who neutral position. Having taken it, I deter-views in it the native soil of himself and his mined, as far as should depend on me, to progenitors for several generations, I anticimaintain it, with moderation, perseverence pate, with pleasing expectation, that retreat, in and firmness. which I promise myself to realize, without al
The considerations which respect the right loy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this midst of my fellow citizens, the benign influoccasion to detail. I will only observe, that ence of good laws under a free Governmentaccording to my understanding of the matter. the ever favorite object of my heart, and the that right, so far from being denied by any of happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, the belligerent powers, has been virtually ad- labors and dangers. mitted by all.
GEORGE WASHINGTON. United States, Sept. 17, 1796.
The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without any thing more, from the
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTORS FROM EACH STATE.
No. of Electors in 1844. [
No. of Electors in 18449 .102
In 1844, the States in Italics voted for Polk, giving him 170 votes-the residue for Clay, giving him 105 votes.
(December 1st, 1844.)
EXECUTIVE--President and Cabinet:
JOHN TYLER, of Virginia, President....
ROGER B. TANEY, of Maryland, Chief Justice. Salary $5,000.
There is now no Vice-President; John Tyler was elected to that office, but succeeded to the Presidency on the death of Gen. HARRISON, April 4th, 1841, just thirty days after the Inauguration of the latter. In case of the death or removal of Mr. Tyler, the Presidency next devolves on the President of the Senate, which station is now held by Hon. WILLIE P. MANGUM of North Carolina.]
George Evans.. John Fairfield..
[Salary of Associate Justices $4,500.]
Major-General of the Army--WINFIELD SCOTT, of New-Jersey.
Assembled December 4, 1843: Expires March 3d, 1845
Hon. WILLIE P. MANGUM, of North Carolina, President.
CONNECTICUT. Jabez W. Huntington.. John M. Niles...
NEW-YORK. Henry A. Foster... Daniel S. Dickinson... NEW-JERSEY. William L. Dayton.. Jacob W. Miller.
DELAWARE. .1847 Richard H. Bayard... .1845 Thomas Clayton.... MARYLAND. .1847 William D. Merrick.. .1849 James Alfred Pearce... VIRGINIA. 1851 William C. Rines....... ..1849 William S. Archer.
JAMES M. WAYNE, of Georgia, Associate Justice
.1847 James Semple..
INDIANA. .1847 Albert S. White... .1849 Edward A. Hannegan.. ILLINOIS.
.1847 Whigs, in Italics.....
MISSOURI. 1847 Thomas H. Benton.. .1849 David R. Atcheson..
.1845 John Henderson..
Messrs. Foster and Dickinson, of New-York. hold temporarily by appointment from the Governors of those States, but will be elected by the Legislatures of these States, or succeeded by Senators of like politics.
To the next Senate, Messrs. Phelps and Benton have already been reëlected (for six years from March 4th, 1845,) while the Legislative elections ensure that Messrs. Fairfield, Choate, Sprague, Dayton, Sturgeon, Bayard, Merrick, Foster and White, will either be reelected or succeeded by Senators of like politics 'n each case. Ohio has already chosen THOMAS Co-WIN Whig, for six years ensuing, in place of Benj. Tappan, Loco. The result in Virginia is doubtful. Mississippi and Michigan will elect Locos in place of Messrs. Henderson and Porter. The new Senate will therefore either be tied or have a Whig majority of two, as Vir. ginia shall decide, unless some improbable change should be wrought by death, resignation or otherwise.