ty sanctioned the measure-and that it was finally carried in the popular branch of Congress. He hoped the honorable Senator would relieve him from the necessity of looking into the New Jersey affair. He need not enter into the consideration of the composition of the majority in the other House when the Sub-Treasury was passed; but who amongst them, who had attended to the progress of events during the election of 1840, could doubt that the public opinion was against it? The honorable Senator bad called upon them to declare what would be their measures after this Sub-Treasury was destroyed? Whether it would be a Bank of the United States, or whether it would be a system in connection with the local banks? Why, sufficient for the day is the evil thereof; they had now nothing but the Sub-Treasury to handle, and that was sufficient for them. Let them remove that out of the way, and then those coming into power would bring forward their measures, and then it would be time for the distinguished Senator from New York to be heard.

The Senator from New York said, the party coming in were coming without principles, and they would be at liberty to adopt any measure they pleased. Bat did not the gentleman know that the party coming in were opposed to the SubTreasury? Did he not know that they were in favor of a sound and safe regulation of the currency, as far as it can be done consistently with the Constitution of the United States? Did he not know that they were for economy, and against the extravagance of the down allen Administration? Did he not know they were for retrenchment, and that they were opposed to the extent and alarming magnitude, and fearful usurpation and abuse of Executive power? And therefore, the gentleman could not reprove them for a want of principle. After some other remarks, he said he found he was precipitated into the discussion beyond what he had intended; but in reference to the observations of the Senator from New York, he said he saw no necessity for much delay.

Mr. CALHOUN said he had supposed that the party about to c me into power would have been content with their decisive victory, and that the business of the session would be allowed to go on quietly, without calling up any of the exciting topics that entered into the late canvass, or anticipating the measures belonging properly to the coming administration. The country has just passed through one of the most agitating canvasses it ever has, and it is time it should have repose; and he, for one, had determined, if it should not, it would not be his fault. Without adverting to the past, he had made up his mind to wait and form no opi. nion till General Harrison had assumed his high and responsible office, and developed the principles and policy on which he intended to administer the Government, in an official and responsible form. If he should, in good faith, by practice as well as profession, adopt the course which the Senator from Kentucky [Mr. CLAY] has assured us he would; if his administration shall be one of retrenchment and economy, deep and thorough, for they are both much needed; if it shall be opposed to a national debt, funded or unfunded; if against the improper extension of Executive power, and shall be opposed to the use of its patronage as the means of rewarding mere partisan service; and if, finally, as intimated in the canvass by the distinguished Senator from Massachusetts, [Mr. WEBSTER,] it should be conducted on the good old but much derided doctrines of Jefferson, it should not only have his approbation, but his cordial and cheerful support, notwithstanding his objections to the means by which his election was sɛcured. But he would rather have these declarations officially from General Harrison himself, than from the honorable Senator, however high his authority might be considered. I (said Mr. C.) never have played, and never intend to play, the game of in and out in polities. It is unsuited to the nature of our Government, and unbecoming those invested with the high and sacred trust of administering it. His course was immovably made up. He would give the coming Admnistration his support in all measures which his judgment approved, and opposition to all which it

disapproved; and, if he was found in systematic opposition, it would be because of systematic departure from the principles and policy which he believed to be essential to the prosperity and liberty of the Union.

With these views, he could not, with the Senator from New York, regard with pleasure the introduction of this resolution. On the contrary, he regarded it with regret, because it was calculated to keep up the excitement of the late canvass, and prevent the repose which naturally follows the deep agitation through which the country has just passed, and which is necessary to that calm review, without which it is impossible to correct past errors, and turn them to profitable account in future. Let the people have an interval of eight or nine months, from the end of this session to the commencement of the next, to think over calmly and deliberately the past, and the course that ought to be taken hereafter, and much profit will result to the country. Viewed in this light, he not only regretted the introduction of the resolution, but the ground on which the Senator puts the repeal of the measure contemplated. He assumes the ground that the people had dccided against the Sub-Treasury in the late electi n. He (Mr. CALHCUN) doubled the fact. The election decided nothing but that General Harrison should be elected President for the next term; and he entered his solemn protest against the attempt to make any other inference the basis of our efficial action; and in doing so, he but took the ground taken by the Senator and those with whom he acted, when it was attempted to construe in a similar manner a former election to have decided against the renewal of the charter of the United States Bank, and in favor of certain measures to which he was opposed. He (Mr. CALHOUN) regarded every attempt at such inference to be dangerous and unconstitutional. No one had a higher regard for the voice of the people than he had; but he could only recognise it in his official acts, when pronounced through its proper organ, an on the subject, and to the extent only, which the Constitution made it binding. Thus thinking, he bowed in obedience to their voice, uttered in the late election, that General Harrison should be the next President, but to that extent only could he here, in his place as Senator, recognise it.

It is not only against the genius of our system to extend it farther, but idle to attempt to extend it to the measure the Senator has. Who is there that does not know that in the late canvass the great issue-who should be President-depended on a thousand others, direct and indirect, of which the Sub Treasury was but one? Who does not remember that the imputed extravagance of the Administration, the report of one of the Secretaries on the militia question, Hoce's case, and innumerable other objections, were made to the present incumbent, as well as countless numbers urged in favor of his opponents, in addition to his objection to the Sub-Treasury? They must all have been supposed to influence the result, or surely they would not have been so zealously and incessantly urged by those who advocated the claims of the successful candidate. How, then, can gentlemen now turn round, and tell us that there was but a single question at issue, and that question the Sub-Treasury?

But he, Mr. C. desired to speak with perfect candor. Though he by no means considered it certain, yet there was reason to fear that a majority, of the community was opposed to that highly important measure. If such should turn out to be the fact, he would regret it profoundly; but are gentlemen certain that there is a majority in favor of any alternative measure that can be presented, and that there is not a majority in its favor, against any such alternative? That is the point. Let me tell gentlemen, when they come to the real question-not only whether the Sub Treasury shall be repealed, but what shall be substituted, they will not find so easy a victory as they expect. That is the question which you must meet, and it will be. in vain to attempt to elude it. As to one of the only two possible alternatives-he referred to the repudiated and condemned pet bank system-which the gentleman had so justly denounced so far back

as 1834, on the question of the removal of the deposites, as the most fallacious, rickety, and corrupt system which could be adopted, which they prophesied, and truly prophesied, would explode and blow up its authors, he took it for granted that there was no danger of that being imposed on the country by the coming administration. He trusted that would not be the result of all the late agitation, and the decided victory they had achieved.

As to the other alternative-a National Bankhe would not go into that now. It will be time enough, after General Harrison comes in, and recommends it to our adoption, if, with his constitutional objections, he ever should. But come when that tine might, if it ever should, he should stand up and resist it every faculty, and all the energy with which nature had bestowed on him; for, as he lived, he believed the day on which a National Bank shall be established, with a capital of fifty or a hundred millions, and twenty years' duration, and with power and privileges sufficient to control the currency and business of the country, would be the end of our liberty, and would as effectually create a sovereign power, as if General Harrison were elected President for life, with the right of succession in his descendants, and even more so.

To either of these, the much abused Sub-Treasury will be found to be the only alternative. Condemned and vilified as it was, the country, if it desired to preserve its free institutions, must come to it; nor was it less for the advantage of the banks themselves, than the country, that it should. Yes, for the banks; he knew what he said; he weighed every word. He regarded those the greatest enemies, in reality, to the banks, however kind their intention, who would force them again into a union with the Government, against the deep conviction of the injustice, impolicy and unconstitutionality of such union, of a powerful and determined party, not much inferior in numbers than their opponents, if tested even by the late election; for, however strong the vote of the electoral college, the popular vote in favor of General Harrison did not much exceed one bundred thousand out of upwards of two millions of votes. If, against the fixed opinion of this powerful and resolute party, the coming Administration should force a reunion between bank and Government, they would, at the same time, force them into the political arena of party conflict, which could not fail to overthrow the whole system in its convulsive movements. He warned the banks, and those interested in them, against the fatal tendency of their indiscreet friends, who would, under such circumstances, force the reunion. He was no enemy to the existing banks, while he had no confidence in the system as it existed in this country and Great Britain. He believed that banks of issue and circulation were founded on a mistake, and must run down, by their own inherent defects, against every effort to stay their descent, and had long thought so; but he made no war on them, and never had. They were running down of themselves, according to his impression, too fast for the good of the country, and his policy was to retard, and not accelerate their descent. He acted on the same principle in 1834, when the deposites were removed; and in obedience to it, urged a course, which, if it had been adopted, would bave saved the country and banks from the disasters which have since followed. On the same principle he acted at the extra session in 1837, and had ever since,, in advocating the separation of the Government from the banks, as the only means of extricating them from politics, and leaving them quietly to be reformed or run out, under the action of an enlightened and calm public opinion. He was, and ever had been, averse to all sudden and forced measures in reference to the currency, even as applied to our system, as bad as he believed it to be.

In addition to the supposed condemnation of the Sub-Treasury by the people at the late election, the Senator urged another reason for its repeal, He that it would make no practical change. says that the practice under the existing law is, in reality, the same as it was before its passage, and would be after the repeal. If so, why,

then, this haste to repeal it? Why agitate the country, so anxiously seeking repose, on a subject acknowledged by him to be wholly immaterial? Why not allow the measure to go on quietly until he and his party come into power, and then they could act deliberately on the subject, and not only repeal a measure they consider so obnoxious, but also present their substitute, so as to afford the community a fair opportunity of deciding between them? But be the practice under it what it may, the difference between the two states of things, that which now exists and that which would if the measure proposed by this resolution should be adopted, is tar, very far, from being so immaterial as the Senator seems to suppose. The SubTreasury, as established by law, be it wise or not, s, at all events, legal and constitutional. No one can deny that; but should the Senator's resolution succeed, and the act be repealed, he would restore the state of things which he, and those with whem he has acted, have con ended, for these three years, to be illegal and unconstitutional, and which placed the control over the public money wholly under the discretion of the Executive! Is that nothing?

As to the practice, if it be such as the Senator supposes, he (Mr. CALHOUN) held it directly contrary to law, and that the officer who had dared to practise it, deserved punishment and expulsion from office. If the Senator desired to pursue the subject, and would move a resolution to ascertain the facts, it should have his support. He would be the last to protect any officer, high or low, in the violation of law.

He had said more than he intended when he rose, but would not take his seat without aga n entreating the gentlemen on the other side not to force on a controversy at this time. The people of the United States had elected General Harrison, whether by proper or improper means, was not a question for him. He acquiesced in the decision, and wished to see the excitement, which accompanied the contest, subside. He was prepared to give his administration a fair trial, as he would any other constitutionally elected by the people. He should watch it with a vigilant eye, but with no disposition to oppose, unless his measures should force him into opposition, in defence of what he believed to be the welfare and liberty of the country.

Mr. ANDERSON said that, occupying the position which he did, after what had fallen from the honorable Senator from Kentucky, he felt it to be his duty to express his entire dissent from the views which had been urged upon the Senate in support of the proposition now under consideration. He said that he regretted exceedingly that the Sena'or had deemed it proper to bring up anew the exciting questions which had so recently agitated the country. In this he concurred with the honorable Senator from South Carolina, and believed that the public mind needed repose, at least for a short period; and he could not but express his astonishment that any attempt should now be made which would necessarily pass in review the events of the last canvass. Sir, said he, I do not express this regret because of the position which I may be supposed hold in relation to that question, and coming, as I do, from a State which has cast its suffrage for General Harrison. A more suitable time will arrive, when this whole subject would properly come under the administrative action of the President elect; but now it must bring up a discussion of events utterly unprofitable to the public welfare, and about which a wide difference of opinion has surely obtained, if I understand rightly the true ground upon which the gentleman has based his proposition to repeal the Independent Treasury

act.

The gentleman said that the recent election of General Harrison was an implied instruction to Senators coming from the nineteen States which had supported him, to repeal that measure. Sir, I deny that this inference is just; and a strong objection to the resolution proposed by the honorable gentleman is, that it is not supported by such an issue in the late canvass as to make it conclusive. I deny that the Independent Treasury was the inducing cause to the success of General Harrison. It was not the exclusive issue. Following, sir, the example set by older Senators of both parties, I

a

mingled among the people in this contest, and knew that other questions had a much more powerful effect-questions which were made to go home to their hopes and their fears-and that they did not consider this as the great issue upon which they were to decide. The extraordinary pressure of the times, some peculiar circumstances, and the military services of General Harrison, advancing in the lead of the mass of questions, had most powerful agency in producing the result! Who, sir, can fo get that his military pretensions were urged with great ardor and eloquence upon this floor by the gentleman from South Carolina, who usually sits opposite to meand by the gentleman from Kentucky, who sits to my right on the other side of the house. And can we fail to advert to the very fountain from which sprang all their success-their convention at Harrisburg? There they solemnly resolved that they would make no formal declaration of their opinions—no, sir, none. The thing was to be left to the individual skill and judgment of their partisans; and now, after the close of the contest, the first step to be taken is an absolute demand, upon this floor, that Congress shall declare, in effect, that such was the issue made and decided before the people. The very avowal of the Senator from Kentucky, when pressed by the Senator from New York upon the subject of the United States Bank, as the antagonist measure to the Independent Treasury, that "sufficient for the day is the evil thereof," is mysterious, but equvalent to the declaration that the Independent Trea sury was the great exclusive issue before the people. I utterly deny this inference. There were numerous issues, and a combination of causes, which it is unnecessary to repeat.

I trust that I would be among the last men deliberately to attempt, in a representative capacity, to disobey the instructions of my constituents. But, sir, no instructions, such as insisted upon, have been made; and the honorable gentleman will find, when he submits the true issue of a United States Bank as the antagonist of the Independent Treasury, the decision of the people will in all probability be against the former. Then, and not till then, shall we have the true issue, and the true result.

Mr. HUBBARD rose and said: Mr. PRESI DENT:-I cannot deny, when I read the resolution in the morning's paper, which had been of fered on yesterday by the Senator from Kentucky, that I was somewhat surprised. I little anticipated any such movement during this short session of Congress. I had supposed that the repeal of the Independent Treasury act would be attempted under the next Administration, but I had not even imagined that it would then be urged without presenting some substitute; and I must confess that I did not look for such a proposition from any quarter during the continuance of the present Administration. It is, however, before us; and it presents a distinct question. The resolution proposes to instruct the Committee on Finance to report a bill providing for the immediate repeal of the Sub-Treasury act; it is presented to the same Senate; it proposes to bring the subject before the very Congress which, but a few months past, enacted this very measure. Sir, I could not have believed that any member of this body would urge upon the Senate the repeal of this measure which had been adopted after so much debate, after so much reflection, and after so much consideration. But, I again say, that the proposition has been presented; let us now meet it manfully, and with a determination to review the whole ground. I cannot say, with the Senator from South Carolina, that I regret that this proposition has been brought forward. I can say that I did not anticipate it. I can assure the Senator from Kentucky, before us as it is, it cannot silently be disposed of. It must, and I trust it will, be debated, and fully debated. Let the whole ground which has heretofore been occupied in argument, be re-examined; and let it be made to appear, if it can be, that our positions are untenable, and that our arguments are fallacious, and that the measure itself ought to be abandoned. If all that can be shown, then, for one, I shall be prepared to vote for its repeal; but until that can be done, I will sustain the measure, essentially connected, as I believe it to be, with the best

interests of the country, with what little ability I possess. What are the reasons, Mr. President, which have induced the honorable Senator from Kentucky to offer his resolution? He says that the result of the late election is an expression of the deliberate judgment of the American people in relation to this measure. That they have spoken, in language too plain to be misunderstood, their utter condemnation of this Sub-Treasury system. That they have demanded at our hands its immediate repeal. Sir, I utterly deny the fact, and I stand here saying that no man has the right to make any such deductions from the result of the recent Presidential election. The declaration is unwarranted, in my judgment,from the facts known to have existed during that canvass. What right has the Senator to say that any such issue was made up before the American people? Where is the evidence of it? Who ever heard from the party newspapers of the day, that the new dynasty intended a repeal of the Sub-Treasury, and that an appeal was ever made to the people, urging upon them the propriety of changing the present Administration, so as effectually to put down "this bill of abominations," as they were pleased to call it. Others may have seen such avowals, but if they existed, they wholly escaped my observation. No declaration was made by the great Convention at Harrisburg against this Sub-Treasury policy, which had been in operation for years before. No such manifesto has been published since by any conven tion opposed to the present Administration. This was not the issue made up before the American people.

It may have been intended-it was certainly not avowed-and until this resolution was offered, who has ever heard that it was the purpose of the Oppɔsition to bring about a repeal of the Sub-Treasury, without, at the same time, presenting some other measure in its stead?

Mr. President, I well recollect that soon after the Convention at Harrisburg, and just before the spring elections in Virginia, a document was sent forth under the authority of an executive commit

tee.

And was the Administration assailed in that document for its Independent Treasury operations? No, sir; the Administration was attacked for its alleged wastefulness, its profligacy and corruption, in relation to the public expenditures. It was attacked for attempting to pales upon the country a standing army of two hundred thousand militia. It was the expenses of the Administration, and Mr. Poin ett's militia report, which constituted the grounds of attack in the document to which I have referred; and they constituted the great burden of the Opposition song in my country, from the close of the late session of Congress, until the day of election. Had the direct proposition been submitted to the American people, "Will you continue the Independent Treasury system as it is, or will you go back to the State bank deposite system as it was in 1836?" what think you, sir, would have been their decision? For one, I entertain no doubt, if the people could have been left to the exercise of their sober judgement, that they would have returned a clear verdict in favor of this great measure of the present Administration. And just so would it have been had the question been a Bank of the United States or a continuance of the present system. But no such issue was made, and, of consequence, no such decision has been given as has been alleged. No such inference can fairly be drawn from the result of the late election.

The Senator from Kentucky says, unless the repeal of this act now takes place, tha', as soon as a Congress can be assembled after the 4th of March next, they will not fail to accomplish the work. Be it so. I rejoice at this distinct declaration of the Senator. I did not believe that it would even be attempted without going further. The declaration of hostility to this great measure has gone forth, and I rejoice at it; and time will show whether the Senator from Kentucky is right in his calculations as to the state of popular opinion-of public sentiment with reference to this measure. In my own State, I know full well that it is held in high commendation; and if it be true, as alleged, that the result of the late elections is to be regard

ed as a test of the popularity of this measure, the Senator himself will, and must admit, that the people of New Hampshire have expressed a most undoubted opinion in its favor, for the majo. rity in that State, friendly to this Administration, is one hundred per cent. greater now than it was at the last contested election in 1838.

I cannot doubt, no member of this Senate, no citizen of this country, has a right to doubt, that the Independent Treasury act which passed at the last session of Congress, and which is now the law of the land, and in successful operation, is to be made the subject of attack by the next administration. This purpose is avowed distinctly by the Senator from Kentucky. And although we are without any official promulgation of this intent from him who has been elected to preside over this nation, yet it comes to us in no questionable shape. It is avowed by the very man whom the President elect has recently declared (if I read the journals of the times correctly) is more worthy of the place than himself. It is, therefore, fair to infer that the Senator speaks like one having authority. I shall not be here; but able and efficient friends will be ready to take care of this great measure. Let all prepare for the contest. Then, and not till thenwill this battle be fought with any prospect of suc cess. The present movement cannot succeed, in my judgment.

The Senator from Kentucky says that there is no practical difference in the management of our fiscal concerns under the ub-Treasury system, and under that system which existed anterior to the coming in of this Administration. It may be so; but, if the fact be as stated, those charged with the execution of the law are greatly in fault, and should be held answerable for any departure from the line of their official duty. But, sir, I greatly mistake the sequel of the imes-I greatly misjudge the indications of popular feeling, if there is not an increasing sentiment favorable to this Sub-Treasury policy. And if the new Administration design nothing more than the repeal of this measure, their anticipated security in the confidence and support of the community will fail them. The Senator has appealed to me for information as to the manner of executing this Treasury scheme. Mr. President, I may not live quite as remote from one of these Receivers General as the Senator himself, and, unlike him, I have no wish to live more remote. One thing I believe as much as I believe in my existence that he who is charged with the execution of this act at Boston does not disregard its provisions in practice. I know him well: and, knowing him as I do, I should be slow to believe that the Receiver General at that point fails to carry into full effect the letter of the Independent Treasury act. If he does, sir, I can assure the Senator from Kentucky the fact is unknown to me. The known fidelity of that officer is a sure guarantee that his whole duty will be performed. The Senator from Kentucky has seen to allude to a recent election in my own Statewhy, or wherefore, I cannot tell. Its connection with the question before us I do not readily discover. What it has to do with the adoption of his resolution I am unable to sec. But, sir, if the Senator has adverted to that cccurrence-to the result of that election-in the belief that it has led to any interruption of the friendly relations which have hitherto existed between the distinguished individual who now presides over the fiscal department of our Government and myself, he is entirely mistaken. He has spoken of my readiness on all occasions to defend that officer and his measures-and he has been pleased to add that I have defended him "with great ability and with great cloquence." Sir, it has been my fortune, since I have been a member of this Senate, to hear attacks frequently made upon the Secretary of the Treasury by the Senator and his friends. Against those attacks I have defended him, and successfully defended him; but my saccess was to be attributed to the merit of the defence, and not to any particular ability of his defender. It is true that, for a long time, there has been kept up an unreserved intimacy between that officer and myself; and a more faithful, intelligent, and industrious officer, has not been connected with the Government during its continu

fit

ance. The administration of the department over which he has so long and so ably presided in the worst of times; the difficulties and discouragement which he has experienced in the performance of his official duties, and which he has so triumphantly overcome; the present state and condition of that Department, show to the world that the attacks which have been so gratuitously made upon that officer, are without founda'ion. It is true, sir, that an election has recently been made by the Legislature of our native State, and that election has resulted in elevating to the office of United States Senator the individual to whom I have referred. The people of my State had given a triumphant vote in favor of Mr. Van Buren's administration. That administration had been defeated by the decision of the American people. No man had been more devoted to, or identified with, the Administration, than the individual now at the head of the Treasury Department. No man in the country is better prepared to defend the measures and to carry out the policy of that Administration than the Secretary himself. And from the avowal which has been made on this floor this day, it must be matter of gratulation and pride to the people of my own State and of the country, that he will be here ready to meet the Senator from Kentucky, face to face, in defending his favorite measure against the assaults of its enemies. Sir, I have no cause to complain, neither of the successful candidate nor of my own people. I know full well the considerations which induced the result-considerations honorable to my own State and satisfactory to myself. And if I should never discover any other evidence of the ingratitude of the Secretary, or of the defection of my own people, I should not be disturbed by any private griefs. The Senator will find it somewhat difficult to satisfy my mind that I have been defeated by my friends, and that the result of that election has tended, in the slightest degree, to lessen me in the estimation of the people of my native State.

Mr. ALLEN then moved to amend the resolution, by striking out all after the word "resolved," and insert the following:

"That the financial policy established at the origin of this Government, by the first acts of its legislation, and especially by the 30th section of the 'Act to regulate the collection of duties, &c.' approved by President Washington, July 31st, 1789, and by the 4th section of the 'Act to establish the Treasury Department, &c.' approved by President Washington, September 2', 1789, was in strict conformity to the fundamental principles of the Consti

tution.

"Resolved, That, by a long series of subsequent acts tending to the great detriment of the public welfare, that policy had been departed from, and was, by the 'Act to provide for the collection, safekeeping, transfer, and disbursement of the public revenue,' approved by President Van Buren, July 4, 1840, fully restored, and ought to be adhered to; and therefore

"Resolved, Taat the Government ought to collect no more taxes from the people, either directly or indirectly, than are absolutely necessary to an economical administration of its affairs.

"Resolved, That the taxes paid by the people ought not to be lent out by the Government to individuals or to corporations.

"Resolved, That the taxes so paid by the people ought not to be placed by the Government in the custody of agents who are not made by the Constitution and the laws responsible to the people.

"Resolved, That in the transaction of its own affairs, the Government ought to receive and to tender in payment as money, nothing but that which is made a legal tender by the Constitution."

On motion by Mr. WEBSTER, the resolution was laid on the table, and the substitute was ordered to be printed.

And the Senate adjourred.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. TUESDAY, December 15, 1840. After the journal had been read,

Mr. JONES, from the Committee of Ways and Means, on leave introduced a bill making an ap. propriation in part for the support of Government

for the year 1841; which was read twice and referred to a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union.

On motion of Mr. JONES, the House then resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, Mr. BRIGGS in the Chair, and took up the above bill.

Mr. CUSHING said he had occasion, a few days ago, to occompany a friend-a messenger from one of the electoral colleges-to the Treasury Department, who went there to settle his accounts, as provided for under a regulation of Congress. His friend was informed by the First Auditor that no payment could be made until an appropriation should be made by Congress. Mr. C. would inquire whether now would not be the time to make an amendment to the bill for this object.

Mr. J. W. JONES said he had had no interview with the Secretary of the Treasury on the subject. He could not see why any portion of the amount could be appropriated to that object; the subjects mentioned in the bill being wholly distinct.

Mr. CUSHING then moved to amend the bill by adding thereto an additional section providing for the payment of the messengers who may convey to the seat of Government the electoral votes given in the several States for President and Vice President of the United States.

Mr. J. W. JONES suggested to the gentleman from Massachusetts whether it would not be proper to have the amount specified in the detailed statements furnished by the Secretary of the Treasury, at $12,000, in place of $20,000, to pay the expenses of bringing to the seat of Government the votes for President and Vice President of the United States.

Mr. CUSHING acquiesced in the suggestion. The question then being on the amendment to the bill, it was agreed to, without a count.

Mr. JONES, in reply to an objection made by Mr. STANLY to the item of $100,000 for stationery, remarked that the committee, in filling up the blank with the sum in question, had not inserted the whole amount estimated by the Clerk of the House, which was $150,000. They therefore imagined there would be no difficulty, at this period of the session, in obtaining an appropriation of $100,000 for that object, being but one-half the amount appropriated at the last session of Congress, and more especially as the contingent fund of the House was now entirely exhausted.

On motion of Mr. J. the committee then rose, and reported the bill, as amended, to the House.

The amendment was then concurred in, and the bil', as amended, read a third time, and passed.

Mr. BRIGGS called the attention of the House to an error he had discovered in document No. 3, being the annual estimate of the Secretary of the Treasury of the Treasury. He was desirous that the error should be corrected before the copies ordered by the House should be printed.

After some debate, of a desultory character, as to whether the error originated in the Treasury De partment or with the printer, the Clerk was directed to have the proper correction made.

Mr. PETRIKIÑ, at his request, was excused from acting as a member of the Committee on Public Buildings and Grounds.

Mr. HAND, in pursuance of notice given on Thursday last, asked and obtained leave to introduce a bill to establish a uniform rule of naturalization, and to repeal all acts heretofore passed on that subjec; which was read twice.

Mr. H. then moved that the bill be referred to the Committee of the Whole, and printed.

And the question being first on the reference, Mr. BARNARD demanded the yeas and nays; which were ordered, and being taken, were, yeas 96, nays 99.

YEAS-Messrs. Judson Allen, Anderson, Atherton, Banks, Beirne, Blackwell, Brewster, Aaron V. Brown, Albert G. Brown, Carr, Casey, Chapman, Clifford, Connor, Mark A. Cooper, William R. Cooper, Craig, Crary, Cross, Dana, Davee, John Davis, Dickerson, Doan, Doig, Duncan, Earl, Eastman, Ely, Fine, Fisher, Floyd, Fornance, Galbraith, Gerry, Griffin, Hammond, Hand, John Hastings, Micajah T. Hawkins, John Hill of N. C. Hook, David Hubbard, Jackson, Joseph Johnson,

Cave Johnson, Nathaniel Jones, John W. Jones, Keim, Kille, Leadbetter, Leet, Leonard, Lowell, Lucas, McClellan, McCulloch, Mallory, Marchand, Medill, Montanya, Montgomery, Samuel W. Morris, Newhard, Parmenter, Parris, Paynter, Petrikin, Pickens, Prentiss, Reynolds, Rives, Edward Rogers, Ryall, Samuels, Shaw, Albert Smith, John Smith, Thomas Smith, Starkweather, Strong, Sumter, Swearingen, Sweney, Taylor, Philip F. Thomas, Turney, Vanderpoel, Vroom, David D. Wagener, Watterson, Weller, Wick, Jared W. Williams, Henry Williams, and Worthington-96.

NAYS Messrs. Adams, Alford. John W. Allen, Andrews, Baker, Barnard, Bell, Boardman, Briggs, Brockway, Sampson H. Butler, William O. Butler, Calhoun, William B. Campbell, Carroll, Carter, Chinn, Chittenden, Clark, James Cooper, Crabb, Cranston, Crockett, Curtis, Cushing, John W. Davis, Garret Davis, Dawson, Dennis, Dellet, Edward, Evans, Everett, Fillmore, Fletcher, Garland, Gentry, Giddings, Goggin, Goode, Graham, Granger, Grinnell, Habersham, Hall, William S. Hastings, Hawes, Henry, Hoffman, Hopkins, Hiram P. Hunt, Francis James, Charles Johnston, Kempshall, Lane, Lincoln, McCarty, McClure, McKay, Marvin, Mason, Mitchell, Monroe, Morrow, Naylor, Nisbet, Ogls, Osborne, Palen, Peck, Pope, Randall, Randolph, Rariden, Rayner, Reed, Ridgway, Russell, Saltonstall, Shepard, Simonton, Slade, Truman Smith, Stanly, Stuart, Taliaferro, Waddy Thompson, John B. Thompson, Tillinghast, Toland, Trumbull, Underwood, John White, Thomas W. Williams, Lewis Williams, Joseph L. Williams, Christopher H. Williams, Winthrop, and Wise-99.

So the motion was disagreed to.

Mr. EVERETT then moved a reference to the Committee on the Judiciary, as the more appropriate committee for so important a subject.

Mr. BEATTY was also of opinion that a bill affecting the interests of so great a portion of the community, ought to be referred to the Judiciary Committee.

The question being then put, it was decided in the affirmative, aud the bill so referred.

The question then being taken on the motion to print, it was agreed to.

On motion of Mr. FILLMORE, it was

Resolved, That the Secretary of War be directed to report to this House what machines, tools, or implements, if any, belonging to the United States, or used in the construction er repair of the harbors or piers, or other public works on the great Northern or Western lakes, or the waters connected therewith, have been sold since the first day of January, 1840; and the cost of such machines, implements, and tools, respectively, and the price for which they were respectively old, and the authority by which such sales were made.

On motion of Mr. PARRIS, the House then proceeded to execute the order of Tuesday last for the election of Chaplain.

Mr. PARRIS nominated the Rev. THOS. C. BRAXTON.

Mr. CRAIG nominated the Rev. L. R. REESE. Mr. HAND nominated the Rev. JOSHUA BATES. Mr. BARNARD nominated the Rev. J. N. DANFORTH.

Mr. WILLIAMS of Connecticut nominated the Rev. PETER H. SHAW.

Mr. N. JONES nominated the Rev. O. B. BROWN.

Messrs. PARRIS, CRAIG, and HAND, were appointed tellers.

Whole number of votes given,

Necessary to a choice,

Mr. BRAXTON received,

186

94

76

61

30

14

4

1

Mr. BARNARD withdrew the name of Mr. DANFORTH.

Mr. MONROE moved that the rule be suspended, and that the House vote by ballot.

But objection being made,

Mr. M. withdrew his motion.

Mr. BRAXTON having received a majority of all the votes given, was declared duly elected.

Mr. DUNCAN gave notice that he would, on to-morrow, or some subsequent day of the session, introduce a bill fixing upon a particular day for choosing electors for President and Vice President throughout the several States in the Union, and also upon a day for holding elections for members of the House of Representatives of the United States.

On motion of Mr. REED, the President's mes. sage relative to the Navy Pension fund, (submitted several days since) was referred to the Committee on Naval Affairs.

Mr. CROCKETT gave notice that he would, on to-morrow, of on some subsequent day, when it should be order, ask leave of the House to introduce a bill to amend an act entitled "An act to authorize the State of Tennesseee to issue grants and perfect tit'es to certain lands therein described, and to settle the claims to the vacant and unappropriated lands within the same," passed 18.h April, 1806.

The SPEAKER laid before the House the fol lowing communications:

1. From the Treasury Department, transmitting copies of the Treasurer's accounts for the first, second, and third quarters of the year 1839.

2. From the Treasury Deyartment, transmitting a statement of the accounts which have remained unsettled, or on which balances appear to hare been due more than three years prior to the 30th S ptember, 1840, on the books of the Four h Auditor of the Treasury.

3. From the War Department, in compliance with the resolution adopted by the House on the 7th of July, in the following words: "Resolved, That the Secretary of War report to this House, on the first day of the next session of Congress, the amount of expenditure in suppressing Indian hostilities in Florida, showing distinctly the various items of expenditure."

4. From the Treasury Department, in obedience to the 8th section of the act entitled "An act for the relief of certain insolvent debtors of the United States," approved 2d March, 1931.

5. From the War Department, transmitting statements of the expenditures of the contingent fund of the War Department, and offices and bureaus attached thereto, during the fiscal year ending the 30th of September last.

6. From the Treasury Department, transmitting a report made by Professor Hassler, superintendent of the coast survey, and of the work for the fabrication of standard weights and measures, showing the progress made during the present year in those works respectively.

7. From the Treasury Department, transmitting the s'atement of expenditures for contingencies of that Department, and the several offices attached thereto, for the year ending September last.

All of which communications were severally laid upon the table, and ordered to be printed.

8. An account of the receipts and expenditures of the United States for the year 1839.

Mr. RUSSELL offered the following resolution: Resolved, That the Committee on Claims be authorized to employ a clerk at the rate of $4 for each day's service, under the appointment of the

committee.

Mr. WM. COST JOHNSON proposed to amend the resolution by adding the following:

"And that the Committee for the District of Columbia be also allowed a clerk, when said committee may think one necessary, at the same price per diem."

The question was then taken upon the amendment, and lost.

The question then recurred upon the resolution. Mr. CAVE JOHNSON called for the yeas and nays; which were ordered, and resulted-yeas 80, nays 65.

YEAS-Messrs. Adams, Alford, John W. Allen, Andrews, Banks, Bell, Boardman, Brockway, William O. Butler, Calhoun, Carroll, Chinn, Chitlenden, James Cooper, Mark A. Cooper, Cranston, Crockett, Cushing, Dana, Davee, John W. Davis, Garrett Davis, Dawson, Dellet, Doig, Everett, Fiilmore, Fisher, Galbraith, Giddings, Goode, Granger, Grinnell, Habersham, Hall, Hand, Wm. S. Hastings, Henry, Hill of Virginia, Hill of North Carolina, Hunt, Charles Johnston, Joseph Johnson, Wm. Cost Johnson, Kemble, Kempshall, Leonard, Lincoln, McCarty, McClure, Mallory, Monroe, Morgan, Nisbet, Osborne, Randall, Jos. F. Randolph, Reed, Ridgway, Russell, Saltonstall, Shepard, Simonton, Slade, Albert Smith, Truman Smith, Stanly, Stuart, Taliaferro, John B. Thompson, Tillinghast, Toland, Trumbull, John White, Jared W. Williams, Thomas W. Williams, Joseph L. Williams, Christopher H. Williams, Winthrop, and Wise-80.

NAYS-Messrs. Anderson, Baker, Beatty, Beirne, Blackwell, Aaron V. Brown, Sampson H. Bu'ler, Carr, Casey, Chapman, Clifford, Connor, Crabb, Craig, John Davis, Doan, Duncan, Earl, Eastman, Ely, Fine, Garland, Gerry, Griffin, Hawkins, Hillen, Hopkins, Jackson, Jameson, Cave Johnson, Keim, Kille, Lane, Leadbetter, McClellan, McKay, Marchand, Medill, Miller, Montanya, Mon'gomery, Newhard, Parmenter, Paynter, Petrikin, Pickens, Prentiss, Reynolds, Rives, Edward Rogers, Shaw, John Smith, Strong, Sumter, Taylor, Philip F. Thomas, Jacob Thompson, Turney, Vanderpoel, Vroom, D. D. Wagener, Watterson, Weller, Henry Williams, and Lewis Williams-65.

So the resolution was adopted.

On motion of Mr. EVERETT,

Resolved, That the Postmaster General be directed to lay before the House a list of all curtailments in the transportation of the mail, made since the adjournment of Congress, with the date when such curtailments were made, and the time when they took effect; and the amount of the reduction of the compensation on each.

On motion of Mr. TILLINGHAST,

Resolved by the House of Representatives, (the Senate concurring,) That a Joint Committee be appointed, to consist of three members of the House, and such a number of the Senate as may by the Senate be appointed, to direct the expenditure of money appropriated to the Library of Congress. On motion of Mr. FILLMORE, it was Resolved, That the Committes of Elections be directed to prepare and report to this House a bill prescribing the notice to be given by the claimant, in case of a contested election, and regulating the manner of taking testimony therein, and authenticating the same.

Mr. ADAMS offered the following resolution: Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to cause to be communicated to this House, so far as may be compatible with the public interest, copies of all documents in the Department of State, showing the origin of any political relations between the United States and the empire of China-the first appointment of a consul to reside at or near Canton-whether such consul, or any other subsequently appointed, has ever been received or recognised in that capacity, and the present relations between the Government of the United States and that of the Celestial Empire. This resolution was read; but, before any question had been put thereon, On motion of Mr. C. JOHNSON, The House adjourned.

IN SENATE.

WEDNESDAY, December 16, 1840. The Hon. R. M. JOHNSON, President of the Senate, Mr. MOUTON, and Mr. PHELPS, appeared in their places this morning.

The PRESIDENT submitted a communication from the Secretary of War, transmitting the report of a board of officers appointed in accordance with a resolution of the Senate for the examination of Colt's fire-arms; which was laid on the table, and ordered to be printed.

Mr. WRIGHT asked the indulgence of the Senate so far as to enable him to make a motion pre

vious to the presentation of petitions. An appropriation bil was received from the House yesterday, containing, among other items, an appropriation for the payment of the special messengers that are daily arriving with the votes of the electoral colleges of the respective States. He hoped that the bill would be now taken up with a view to its reference.

The proposition was agreed to, and the bill making appropriations in part for the support of the Government for the year 1841 was taken up, read a first and second time, and referred to the Committee on Finance.

On motion by Mr. ROANE, the petition and papers of Richard Harris, now on file, were referred to the Committee on Claims.

Mr. KING presented a joint memorial of the General Assembly of the State of Alabama, asking for the establishment of an additional land district in that State in the section acquired from the Cherokees; which was read, and laid upon the table.

Mr. K. also presented the petition of a number of citizens of Alabama, praying permission to enter a section of land for school purposes, in lieu of one which is covered by an Indian reservation; which was referred to the Committee on the Public Lands.

Mr. CLAY of Alabama presented additional documents in relation to the claim of Colin Bishop; which was refe. red to the Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads.

Mr. YOUNG presented the petition of a number of the citizens of Cook, Dupage, and Kane counties; and the petition of a number of the citizens of Lake, McHenry, and Winnebago counties, in the State of Illinois, praying for the establishment of mail routes; which were referred to the Committee on the Post Office and Pest Roads.

Mr. MERRICK presented the petition of Richard Patten; which was referred to the Committee on Naval Affairs.

Mr. SMITH of Indiana presented the petition of Zadock Smith; which was referred to the Committee on Claims.

On motion by Mr. LINN, the documen's now on file in relation to the claim of the heirs of Madame De Lusser; and the petition and papers of Albin Michel, were referred to the Committee on Private Land Claims.

On motion by Mr. WHITE, the petition and papers of Hannah Lightfoot was referred to the Committee on Pensions.

On motion by Mr. ROANE, the petition of Richard Harris, now on file, were referred to the Committee on Claims.

Mr. YOUNG gave notice that,, to-morrow, ke would ask leave to introduce

A bill to authorize the issuing of a patent to Joseph Compo;

A bill for the relief of Joseph Compo; and A bill for the relief of Francis Laventure, Ebenezer Childs, and Linus Thompson.

Mr. SEVIER, in pursuance of previous notice, asked and obtained leave to introduce

A bill to authorize the Legislature of the State of Arkansas to sell the lands heretofore appropriated for the use of schools in that State; which was read twice, and referred to the Committee on the Public Lands;

A bill for the relief of Benjamin Murphy; and A bill for the relief of Richard T. Banks; which were severally read twice, and referred to the Committee on Indian Affairs;

A bill to revive the act entitled "An act to enable claimants to lands within the limits of Missouri and the Territory of Arkansas to institute proceedings to try the validity of their claims," approved the 26 h of May, 1824, and an act amending the same, and extending the provisions of said act to claimants to lands within the Sates of Louisiana and Mississippi; which was read twice, and referred to the Committee on Private Land Claims; and

A bill making appropriations for the removal of the raft in Red River; which was read twice, and referred to the Committee on Commerce.

Mr. ANDERSON, in pursuance of previous notice, asked and obtained leave to introduce a bill to amend an act entitled "An act to authorize the State of Tennessee to issue grants and perfect titles

to certain lands therein described, and to settle the claims to the vacant and unappropriated lands within the same," passed the 18th day of April, 1806; which was read twice, and referred to the Committee on the Public Lands.

Mr. MERRICK, in pursuance of previous no. tice, asked and obtained leave to introduce a bill for the relief of the heirs of Francis Newman; which was read twice, and referred to the Committee on the Judiciary.

Mr. KING gave notice that to morrow he would ask leave to introduce a bill for the relief of the corporate authorities of the city of Mobile; and A bill for the benefit of certain railroads therein named.

Mr. FULTON, in pursuance of previous notice, asked and obtained leave to introduce a bill to perfect the titles to lands south of the Arkansas river, held under the New Madrid locations, and preemption rights under the act of 1814; which was read twice, and referred to the Committee on the Public Lands; and

A bill for the relief of William A. Dixon.

Mr. RUGGLES, in pursuance of previous notice, asked and obtained leave to introduce a bill for the relief of Charles M. Keller and Henry Stone; which was read twice, and referred to the Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads.

Mr. TALLMADGE, by unanimous consent, introduced a joint resolution proposing an amendment to the Constitution of the United States, limiting the President of the United States to one terin; which was read, and ordered to a second reading.

Mr. CLAY of Alabama, in pursuance of previons notice, asked and obtained leave to introduce a bill for the benefit of the Selma and Tennessee Railroad Company; which was read twice, and referred to the Committee on Roads and Canals.

Mr. PRENTISS, in pursuance of previous notice, asked and obtained leave to introduce a bill authorizing the payment of invalid pensions in certain cases; which was read twice, and referred to the Committee on Pensions.

Mr. WRIGHT, from the Committee on Finance, to which was referred the bill making appropriat'ons in part for the support of Government for the year 1841, reported the same without amendment.

At Mr. W's suggestion, the bill was, by unanimous consent, read a second and third time, and passed.

Mr. SMITH of Indiana, from the Committee on Roads and Canals, to which was referred a bill to - authorize the Mount Carmel and New Albany Railroad Company to enter on a credit a quantity of land, to aid the company in the construction of a railroad from New Albany, in the State of Indiana, to Mount Carmel, in the State of Illinois, and for other purposes, reported the same without amendment.

Mr. LINN, in pursuance of previous notice. asked and obtained leave to introduce a bill for the relief of certain companies of Missouri volunteers; which was read twice, and referred to the Committee on Military Affairs.

Mr. L. gave notice that to-morrow he would ask leave to introduce bills of the following titles: A bill for the relief of Gregoire Larpy, or his legal representatives;

A bill for the relief of the heirs of Miguel Eslava;

A bill for the relief of Sebastian Butcher;
A bill for the relief of Thomas P. Lopes;
A bill for the relief of Joseph Bogy;

A bill confirming the claim of the heirs of Joseph Thompson, sr. deceased, to a certain tract of land in Missouri;

A bill for the relief of the representatives of

Pierre Bonhomme;

A bill for the relief of Joshua Kennedy, assigne of Cornelius McCurtin; and

A bill to confirm to George Tucker, his heirs of assignees, a certain tract of land in Alabama.

Mr. STURGEON, from the Committee on Re volutionary Claims, to which was referred the peti tion upon the subject, reported a bill for the relief of the representatives of John H. Stone, deceased; which was read, and ordered to a second reading.

Mr. WALL, from the Committee on the Judi

ciary, to which was referred a bill supplementary to an act to provide for the adjustment of titles to land in the town of Detroit and Territory of Michigan, and for other purposes, reported the same with an amendment.

Mr. W. also, from the same committee, reported A bill for the reliet of William P. Rathbone; A bill to amend an act entitled "An act more effectually to provide for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States, and for other purposes;" and

A bill to prevent the counterfeiting of any foreign copper, gold, silver, or other coin, and to prevent the bringing into the United States, or uttering, any counterfeit foreign copper, gold, silver, or other coin;

which were severally read, and ordered to a second reading.

Mr. PORTER, on leave, introduced a bill for the relief of certain companies of Michigan militia, which was read twice, and referred to the Committee on Military Affairs.

Mr. WILLIAMS, from the Committee on Naval Affairs, to which was referred

A bill to regulate the pay of pursers in the navy; and

A bill to establish the navy ration; severally reported the same without amendment. Mr. MERRICK submitted the following for consideration:

Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury be requested to communicate to the Senate a statement showing the quantity of public land sold in each year since the year 1828, which had been in market subject to private entry for the respective periods of five, ten, fifteen, twenty, twenty-five and thirty, or more years; the amounts for which the same has been sold; and also showing in parallel columns the quantity of public lands sold in each of said years, which had not been subject to private entry for five or more years, and the amount received for the same. Also, a report showing the total quantity of public land ceded to each of the respective States within which they lie, for colleges, academies, schools, or other purposes, distinguishing between the quantities of public land so ceded for each particular purpose.

Mr. CLAY of Alabama submitted the following resolution, which was considered and agreed to:

Resolved, That the Committee on the Judiciary be instructed to inquire into the expediency of extending the time for completing the census in those States or Districts in which the same has been prevented by the prevalence of disease, or other uncontrollable causes.

Mr. HUBBARD submitted the following resolu-" tion, which was considered and agreed to:

Resolved, That the Committee on Claims be instructed to inquire into the expediency of allowing to James H. Relfe compensation for his services in removing intruders from the military reservation attached to Fort Leavenworth.

Mr. BENTON submitted the following resolution, which was considered and agreed to:

Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to cause to be prepared and communicated to the Senate, tables of the rates of exchange, foreign and domestic, and of the prices of bank notes and of specie, on or near the first day in each month, at New York and Philadelphia, during the year 1838, 1839, and 1840; and that he accompany the same with a synopsis of the rates of exchange, foreign and domestic, and the prices of bank notes and specie, at New York and Pailadelphia, in previous years, so far as the last can be done from the materials now in the Treasury De. partment.

Mr. LINN submitted the following resolution; which was considered and agreed to:

Resolved, That the Committee on the Judiciary be instructed to inquire into the expediency of extending the time, either specially or generally, for receiving the census returns for the fif h census of the United States.

Mr. WALL submitted the following resolutions, which were considered and agreed to,

Resolved, That the Committee on Commerce be instructed to inquire into the expediency of making an appropriation for the removal of certain ob