On motion by Mr. KING, the bill increasing the pay of certain officers of revenue cutters while serving in the navy of the United States, was taken up, and, after some remarks from Mr. K. and Mr. LINN, it was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading. PERMANENT PROSPECTIVE PRE-EMPTION LAW. The bill to establish a permanent prospective preemption system, in favor of settlers on the public Jands who shall inhabit and cultivate the same, and raise a log cabin thereon, was taken up, the question being on the motion of Mr. Crittenden to recommit the bill with instructions to report a bill for the distribution of the proceeds of the sales of the public lands among the States. Mr. CLAY of Kentucky having concluded his remarks, Mr. TAPPAN rose and addressed the Senate as follows: Mr. President: Before I proceed to remark upon the extraordinary attack made by the Snator from Kentucky upon my colleague and myself, I wish to ask that Senator who it is that he charges with "having made a proposition to reduce wages." Mr. CLAY said he did not mean to be understood as saying that any one had made such a proposition. Mr. TAPPAN. Such is the language you used, sir. Mr. CLAY. I did not intend to charge any one with more than sustaining in argument a policy, the inevitable tendency of which would be to reduce wages; and this was done by many gentlemen whom I do not think I am called upon to name. do not recollect using the word proposition. I Mr. TAPPAN. I am satisfied, sir, with this exp anation; the Senator's construction of arguments made by others does not affect me. The Senator from Kentucky on yesterday charged my colleague and myself with voting for a proposition, the effect of which would be to give away 160,000,000 of acres of land, justly belonging to Ohio, for 800,000 acres, and ordered us to go home and account to our constituents for this gross sacrifice of the interests of Ohio. This charge of the Senator is not founded in truth, as I shall show; but let me not be misunderstood. I do not say that the Senator has intentionally stated a falsehood on this floor; he would not do this, and yet it is strange that he, or any other less experienced legislator, should so misconceive our vote on that occasion as he seems to have done. The case was this: the Senator's colleague [Mr.CRITTENDEN] had moved to recommit the bill with instructions to strike out all after the enacting clause and to insert what has gained the name of "Mr. CLAY's land bill," upon which the Senator from South Carolina nearest to me [Mr. CALHOUN] moved to amend the motion of the Senator from Kentucky, by substituting his [Mr. CALHOUN's] bill for disposing of the public lands to the States, so that if the motion to recommit should prevail, the plan of the Senator from South Carolina should be reported back to us instead of the Kentucky Senator's bill. Now, who does not see that the question here, was not whether we should agree to adopt either of those projects; but it was a mere question of preference, and surely an opinion may be given in good faith, that of two plans, one is better than another without any intention of adopting either. Such was this case; of the two plans, I preferred the one offered by the Senator from South Carolina, and so voted, not with a view of expressing any approbation of the plan proposed by the Senator from South Carolina, but to defeat the motion to refer with instructions made by the Senator from Kentucky on my right. These are the views in which my colleague and myself concur, as was expressed by him on yesterday, in his reply to the remark of the Senator from Kentucky, [Mr. CLAY;] and I think if the question should ever again come up while I have the honor of a seat here, I shall conti nue to give the same preference, notwithstanding the denunciation of the Senator from Kentucky. I give no opinion upon the abstract merits of the plan proposed by the Senator from South Carolina, because it is not and has not been before us on the final question of adopting it; but I will say that I am not nclined to make important changes in our land system; that system has heretofore worked well, and I see no necessity for a radical change of it. Sir, the Senator charges us upon this side with "opposing in advance the measures of the next Administration"-with making war upon it; and he quotes Shakspeare, "Come on McDuff," as though we were actually in battle array against him. We have opposed the Senator's unconstitutional project for distributing amongst the several States the revenue arising from the public lands, and Senators upon this side have given as their opinion, and have demonstrated, that a special session of Congress will not be necessary. We have been told by Senators on the opposite side that these things, with some others, would be supported by the next Administration. We have seen and heard the Senator from Kentucky when he has assured us that his land bill (as he calls it) "would pass" when that gentleman and his friends came into power; that unless we repealed the Independent Treasury bill, the next Administration would call an extra session of Congress to repeal it. We have also heard the Senator describe, in his graphic way, how the next Administration would make a clear sweep of all office holders, with probably no exceptions; but we have been ignorant of the Senator's authority to pronounce ex-cathedra upon the course to be pursued by General Harrison; and for myself, I confess that having some knowledge of General Harrison, I had my doubts whether he was to be governed, dictated to, and led by the nose by the honorable Senator, as he seemed to promise us. He exbibited to us no authority for the assumption of the dictatorship. If the Harrisburg Convention, in nominating one of the gentlemen and rejecting the other, did secretly determine that while one should be viceroy over the good people of these United States, the other should be viceroy over him, how were we to know that important fact? You gave us no evidence of this. We are excusable then, I should think, for opposing such measures as the Senator's land bill, which we think unconstitutional, without being chargeable with anticipated hostility to the next Administration. Go But the Senator bids us go home! and account to our constituents for our conduct here. home! We obey no such orders. We submit to no such dictation. Who gave the Senator from Kentucky authority over us? Autocrat of Kentucky, let him issue his orders there to his obsequious slaves; but with Ohio and her representatives he has nothing to do. Sir, I repe. with scorn this matchless insolence. Here Mr. CLAY called Mr. TAPPAN to order, and he sat down. The VICE PRESIDENT, after some remarks, which we did not hear distinctly, said that it was out of order to use the word insolence in the way Mr. TAPPAN had used it. Mr. TAPPAN rose, and continued. Sir, I will repel insolence and insult, come from what quarter they may. Mr. CLAY then rose and dec'ared that in what he had said, he had not the remotest intention of insulting the Senators from Ohio; that in using the words, go home, &c. he meant no more than to advise those Senators to consult their constituents on their return home as to their wishes upon this great question of disposing of the public lands. Mr. TAPPAN then observed: The Senator's explanation is satisfactory. From the vehemence of his manner, and the loudness of his intonation, I thought the Senater in earnest, and that he meant what he said. It seems that in this I was mista. ken. I therefore let that pass; I will not knowingly treat any Senator with disrespect; my age and my habits lead me to a courteous demeanor towards all with whom I have business to transact, and I will not willingly deviate from this course; but insolence and insult I shall not put up with, and I am glad to find that on this occasion nothing of that nature was intended. Mr. President, having disposed of this matter, (without intending to engage at large in this debate, so protracted and interesting,) I will express my views on one or two points only. The Senator from Kentucky [Mr. CLAY] read to us the first paragraph of the 8th section, 1st article, of the Constitution: "The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States;" and gave us his opinion that this taxing power did not authorize Congress to raise money for distribution amongst the States. I coincide fully with the Senator in this opinion, but does he not perceive that by this sound construction of the Constitution, he concedes te us the whole matter in controversy as to his land bil? I know how the Senator thinks to get this power: it is not in this clause, indeed, but he tells us it is contained in these words: "The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United States." From the grant of power to dispose of the land, he infers the power to dispose of the proceeds of the land. Congress have, indeed, by this clause, the power to dispose of the public land for the benefit of the United States; and it is under this clause alone that the constitutionality of all the grants of public lands which have been made to the individual States, can be maintained. If we admit (which I do not, however) that by this clause in the Constitution, Congress has the unlimited power to do whatever it pleases with the territory of the United States-that it me grant the whole or any part to some or all of the States, that it may give it away to actual settlers; or, that it may sell and dispose of it for money, making it an object of revenue; still, Congress cannot raise revenue for the purpose of distribution. The public lands are sold for money. A part of the revenues of this Government are derived from that source. It matters not whether you raise your revenue from the customs, from the sale of your ships, from a tax on land, or the sale of your land; when that revenue reaches the public Treasury, there is no ear-mark on it to distinguish the quarter from which it came. It is the money of the nation, to be used for national purposes. If there is any clause in the Constitution which gives you authority to make a distribution of it amongst the States, it is the clause first quoted; but this, says the Senator, and so say I, contains no such power. Congress is not required by the Constitution to sell the public lands to make the territory of the Union an object of revenue. The manner os disposing of that territory is no where expressed. It is implied only that Congress shall dispose of it for the beneât of the whole, and not select part of the Union. Congress have thought best to sell their land for money; have for more than forty years thought that to raise a part of their ordinary revenues by thus disposing of it, was to execute their power of disposing of it in the manner best calculated to promote the interest of the nation. I will not argue the question whether it might not have been as well to have authorized Congress to make a division by the States or otherwise of the money received for land, for we are not making a Constitution; but I will say that a power to grant or sell land does not carry with it the power to dispose of the money received for such land-when the land is sold, the power to dispose of it is executed; for the power to dispose of the money you must look elsewhere. As to the bill before the Senate, it varies but little from what has become the settled policy of this Government-it proposes that instead of temporary laws on this subject, we pass a permanent act, permanent as it can be, to remain until the wisdom and experience of our successors may change or repeal it. We should find it difficult to prevent people from occupying the public land on the extensive frontier; there is a large class of men who have been the pioneers of civilization and settlement in this country for many years, probably ever since the settlement of the country commencedthey are the Daniel Boones who choose to keep a little in advance of law and gospel both, they subsist more by hunting than the labors of agriculture; yet they build cabins, and clear and plant fields, and are always ready to sell their improvements to the man who moves on the frontier with his family 132 and his stock to make a permanent settlement. It is a great advantage to the settler in a new country who has a family to provide for, to find a cabin and a clearing already made for him, and purchaseable at a moderate price; and what injury does the public interest sustain by granting these pioneers the exclusive right to purchase the land they occupy? Before this privilege was granted to them, it was quite common for mean and sordid men to hunt out the places so occupied, and purchase them at the land office, not for the sake of getting better land than they could find elsewhere, but that they might appropriate to themselves the hard earnings of the poor pioneer for nothing. Protect the poor man by a pre-emption right, and he would soon gain money enough to pay for his land; or, instead of being a prey to the heartless speculator, this latter would have to purchase his improvements, since he could not drive him off, and take forcible possession of his property. I have said that pre-emption laws, instead of being injurious to the public, are highly beneficial. They greatly facilitate the settlement of your territories, by opening the road to your lands to men with families and property, whose habits have not fitted them for settling in the wilderness. These men compose the great agricultural population of the West. Some men think, sir, that to allow land to be selected, the choice tracts to be taken up for the minimum price, is granting a great favor to the poor pioneer. I do not think so; the man who will take his axe and bis rifle, and go into the frontier, forests, or praries; far from roads, from mills and schools, and places of worship; far from all the comforts and advantages of society, pays for the pre-emption right you give him very dearly. Yes, sir, the settler, in a new country, pays the full value of the best land in the privations he enduress in the hardships he encounters, and the labor he performs. On this matter I must be allowed to speak from experience; and I know that, except in rare instances, from peculiarly fortunate location, the first settler would not be paid for the toil and suffering he has to endure, by the gift of a quarter section of land. I hear Senators speak of land in a state of nature worth from ten to fifty dollars per acre; I have never seen such land; it is not to be found in any of the fine bottoms of the West: it is an El Dorado, which exists only in the fancy. It has been proved, I think, that Government does not get much more than the minimum price for land at the public sales; so that there is nothing to balance against this natural and long practised mode of settling your public lands. I am therefore in favor of this bill-of adopting it into our permanent land system. Mr. WRIGHT, who also replied to some remarks of Mr. C. personal to himself, which were explained by Mr. CLAY. Mr. LINN also followed in explanation, and also urged the propriety and necessity of appropriating money for the purpose of putting the nation in a position to maintain her honor, and defend herself from foreign aggression, instead of dividing her revenues among the States. Mr. TALLMADGE contended that by dividing the money among the States to be devoted to the purposes of internal improvement, the best meaus means for national defence was adopted. Mr. BUCHANAN said he had but a very few words to say. The Senator from Kentucky, [Mr. CLAY] in the course of his remarks to day had asserted that Senators friendly to the present Administration had argued at the last session in favor of the reduction of the wages of labor. When called upon by the Senator from Ohio, [Mr. TAPPAN] to mention the names of any such Senators, he declined to comply with the request, he (Mr. B.) presumed from courtesy to those implicated in the charge. His speech at the last session in favor of the Independent Treasury Bill, so far as related to the wages of labor, had been so extensively misrepresented, out of this Hoase, that even at the risk of having it suggested that he had made an application of the remark of the Senator to himself, he rose to disclaim any such argument. He had never risen in the Senate, be never could rise in the Senate, and use an ar gument in favor of reducing the wages of the poor man's labor. He was incapable of advocat. ing any such proposition. He had disclaimed any such argument, over and over again at the last session, and he should ever disclaim it as often as it might be imputed. If the Senator from Kentucky, or any other Senator, should at any time think proper to examine his speech, and attempt to fix such a charge upon him, he should at all times be prepared to repel it, and prove that no such doctrine was contained in his speech. Mr. CALHOUN rose and said he had but a few remarks to make; but a very general wish for adjournment being expressed, The Senate adjourned. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, Mr. BURKE asked the consent of the House to offer a resolutior, that the select committee appointed at the last session on the subject of statione. ry and the letter of the Cle.k, be reappointed. Objection being made, Mr. BURKE moved to suspend the rules; but the motion was negatived. Mr. MORRIS of Ohio asked leave to introduce a bill entitied "An act to repeal an act entitled an act to provide for the safe keeping, transfer and disbursement of the public money," approved July 4, 1840. Objection being made, Mr. MORRIS moved to suspend the rules, and thereupon called for the yeas and nays; which were ordered. Mr. MEDILL inquired of it would be in order to call for the reading of the bill. The SPEAKER replying in the affirmative, Mr. MEDILL said that he would then call for the reading of it, as he was very anxious to know what substitute his colleague proposed for the law now in force, and which was sought to be repealed. [The bill was then read. It proposed no substitute ] The question was then taken, and resulted-yeas 79, nays 97, as follows: YEAS-Messrs. Alford, John W. Allen, Andrews, Baker, Boardman, Bond, Botts, Briggs, Casey, Chinn, Chittenden, James Cooper, Crabb, Cranston, Crockett, Cushing, Edward Davies, Garrett Davis, Dawson, Deberry, Dennis, Dellet, Doe, Edwards, Everett, Fillmore, James Garland, Gentry, Giddings, Goggin, Granger, Green, Grinnell, Hall, Hawes, Henry, Hoffman, Hunt, James, Charles Johnston, Kempshall, Lane, Lincoln, McCarty, Francis Mallory, Marvin, Mason, Mitchell, Monroe, Moore, Morgan, Calvary Morris, Osborne, Pope, Profiit, Randall, Rariden, Reed, Ridgway, Russell, Saltonstall, Sergean', Simonton, Slade, Truman Smith, Stanly, Stuart, Taliaferro, John B. Thompson, Tillinghast, Toland, Triplett, Trambull, Peter J. Wagner, Warren, Thomas W. Williams, Lewis Williams, Christopher H. Williams, and Wise-79. NAYS-Messrs. Adams, Banks, Blackwell, Boyd, Aaron V. Brown, Burke, Sampson H. Butler, William O. Butler, Bynum, Carr, Carroll, Chapman, Clifford, Mark A. Cooper, William R. Cooper, Craig, Crary,'Cross, Thomas Dave:, John Davis, John W. Davis, Doan, Doig, Dromgoole, Earl, Eastman, Ely, Fine, Fisher, Fletcher, Floyd, Fornance, Galbraith, Griffin, Hammond, Hand, John Hastings, Hawkins, Hillen, Homes, Hubbard, Jameson, Jenifer, Cave Johnson, John W. Jones, Keim, Kemble, Kille, Leadbetter, Leonard, Lowell, Lucas, McClure, McCulloch, McKay, Meredith Mallory, Marchand, Medill, Miller, Montanya, Montgomery, Samuel W. Morris, Parrish, Parmenter, Pickens, Prentiss, Reynolds, Rives, Edward Rogers, James Rogers, Samuels, Shaw, Shepard, Albert Smith, John Smith, Thos. Smith, Steerrod, Strong, Sweney, Jacob Thempson, Turney, Vroom, Weller, Jared W. Wililams, Henry Williams, and Worthington-87. So the rules were not suspended. Mr. JONES of Virginia moved that the House resolve itself into a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, and resume the consideration of the Treasury note bill. Mr. DAWSON moved that the special order be postponed until Monday next, in order that the House might go into a Committee of the Whole on private bills. But the motion of Mr. JONES having precedence, the question was taken thereon by yeas aud nays, as follows: YEAS-Messrs. Alford, Anderson, Banks, Beirne, Boyd, Brewster, Briggs, Aaron V. Brown, Albert G Brown, Burke, Sampson H. Butler, Wm. O. Butler, Bynum, John Campbell, Carr, James Carroll, Zadok. Casey, Chapman, Clifford, Coles, Connor, Wm. R. Cooper, Crabb, Craig, Crary, Cross, Thomas Davee, John Davis, Dickerson, Doan, Doig, Dromgoole, Duncan, Earl, Eastman, Ely, Evans, Fine, Fisher, Fletcher, Floyd, Fornance, Galbraith, Gentry, Gerry, Goggin, Gra• ham, Griffio, Hammond, Hand, John Hastings, Hawkins, Hill of North Carolina, Hillen, Hub. bard, Jameson, Jenifer, Joseph Johnson, Cave Johnson, John W. Jones, Keim, Kemble, Kille, Leadbetter, Leonard, Lowell, Lucas, McCarty, Mc Clellan, McClure, McCulloch, McKay, Meredith Mallory, Francis Mallory, Marchand, Medill, Miller, Montanya, Montgomery, S. W. Morris, Parrish, Parmenter, Pickens, Prentiss, Reynolds, Rhett, Rives, Edward Rogers, John Rogers, Sa. muels, Shaw, Shepard, Albert Smith, John Smith, Thomas Smith, Starkweather, Steenrod, Strong, Sumter, Sweney, Jacob Thompson,Turney, Vroom, Weller, Jared W. Williams, Henry Williams, Lewis Williams, Wise, and Worthington-110. NAYS-Messrs. Adams, John W. Allen, Andrews, Baker, Blackwell, Boardman, Bond, Calhoun, Chinn, Chittenden, James Cooper, Mark A. Cooper, Cranston, Crockett, Edward Davies, John W. Davis, Garrett Davis, Dawson, Deberry, Dennis, Doe, Edwards, Everett, Fillmore, Gates, Giddings, Granger, Green, Grinnell, Hall, Henry, Hoffman, Hunt, James, Chas. Johnston, Wm. C. Johnson, Kempshall, King, Lane, Lincoln, Marvin, Mason, Monroe, Manroe, Moore, Morgan, Calvary Morris, Osborne, Peck, Pope, Proffit, Randall, Rariden, Reed, Ridgway, Russell, Saltonstall, Sergeant, Simonton, Slade, Truman Smith, Stuart, John B. Thompson, Tillingbast, Toland, Triplett, Trumbull, Peter J. Wagner, Warren, Thomas W. Williams, Joseph L. Williams, and Christopher H. Williams-70. So the House resolved itself into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, (Mr. CASEY in the chair,) and resumed the consideration of the TREASURY NOTE BILL. Mr. WISE then took the floor, and was about to resume his remarks, but gave way to Mr. RHETT, who wished to ask the gentleman from Virginia, whether the remark made by him on yesterday, that there was now a member of this House, who was in the South Carolina Convention, and who proposed a dissolution of the Union, was applied to him? Mr. WISE replied in the affirmative, and said that such was the impression prevailing in the country in 1832; and if the newspapers at that time were to be believed, Mr. R. had actually proposed, or talked of proposing a dissolution of the Union. Mr. RHETT said that the gentleman was entirely misinformed; neither he nor any other mem. ber of the convention of South Carolina ever proposed a dissolution of the Union, nor was any such proposition ever made or discussed in the convention. Mr. WISE was glad he had made the remark, for it had given the gentleman from South Carolina an opportunity of contradicting it; and hoped, so far at least as the South was concerned, that that section of the Union would stand vindicated from the charge forever. Mr. W. gave his views at some length in rela tion to the public lands, and argued against a distribution of the proceeds among the States. Rather than do so, he maintained that it would be much better to appropriate the money for the defence of the Western frontier; or, if they did not choose to do that, the lands might be disposed of for the increase of the navy, the building of steamships, &c. He argued with much earnestness against the patronage of the Executive over the public lands, which in one year had amounted to not less than twenty-five millions of dollars. He considered it dangerous in the extreme, and as absorbing in its grasp even the State power. While speaking on this head, Mr. W. said he would suppose that the ghost of Cicero had arisen, and was walking in the streets of Rome at midnight. He would suppose the shade of the illustrious statesman as meeting with an inhabitant of modern Rome in the street at night, and asking him how long it would be before day. The inhabitant pulls from his pccket a chronometer, to see the time. "Oh! what's that?" says the ghost. "It is a chronometer; an instrument invented by the Germans for measuring time." "Indeed!" The inhabitant then takes from his pocket an almanack. "Oh!" says the ghost, "what's that?" "It is an almanac; it is the art of printing, the wonderful means of rapidly transmitting human thought, and also invented by the Germans. "O! how wonderful!" exclaims the ghost. The ghost and the inhabitant then knock at the door of several citizens, but they are all asleep, and cannot be awakened. The inhabitant then takes from his pocket a pistol, and fires it. The ghost starts and is almost frightened back to his grave. What's that? says he, in the greatest alarm. "Why, it is a pistol," says the inhabitant, "and explains the invention of gunpowder; also invented by the Germans." "All invented by the Germans?" says the ghost. "and what have the Italians been doing." At that moment a lazy lazzaroni comes gaping up, just awoke from bis sleep. "This," says the inhabitant, "is what they have been doing." Mr. W. then applied this imaginary scene to the present slate of things, in relation to Executive patronage, which, like the Germans, had been absorbing every thing, while the people, like the lazzaroni, had been gaping the while. In concluding, Mr. W. proceeded to say that, if he differed from his friends on the present occasion, it was an honest difference arising from the conviction of his own mind that he was right. He had expressed himself in this manner because he felt bound to put himself right. Having spoken against a tariff, and the distribution system, it would be asked, what then would he do? Why he would say, that constrained against his will, he would vote for the issue of these Treasury notes, as a temporary remedy for the present year, or at least until the meeting of the next Congress in December. It might be asked, what would he do for the future? Why, he would fold his arms and wait. It was possible that he might never come back to that House again, and perhaps some of his friends would be very glad if he never did come back. He had this to say, however, that he could either come back or let it alone, just as he pleased. He wished it understood, though, that he was a candidate until he should say publicly that he was not. As to whether he returned or not, that would all depend upon private considerations. But if not, then his friends might depend that he would, at home, follow out the same great principles on which he had acted here. As regarded the compromise act, that, in his opinion, ought to be left alene, until an actual and not an artificial necessity should arise. The tariff question ought not to be touched on account of a temporary deficiency. Mr. W. then proceeded to state how, in his younger days, he had voted for General Jackson, and how he had split from trim when that person, in his opinion, failed to support the principles on which he was elec'ed. He had said, that although General Jackson was master of millions, he (Mr. W.) was master of himself. This he would say again in relation to General Harrison. Mr W. then contended that the proper means of sustaining the Treasury was to husband their resources at this time. Let there be no distribution, no giving away; for there could be no such thing as giving away from a beggar. The Treasury was in a state of beggary; it was empty, and there was nothing to give away. Let them be honest and pay their debts before they thought of giving any thing away. The common law would permit no will to be executed before the debts were first paid. Let them pay, then, all their honest debts before they talked of a distribution of the public lands. The next means of relieving the Treasury was to push a vigorous system of reduction. His friend from Maine, [Mr. EVANS] who in other matters was as clear sighted a man as any in the House, could not see, the other day, how they were to get a supply by reducing the expenditures. Why, that old philosopher, Benjamin Franklin, proved that "a penny saved was a penny got," and he was surprised that his friend from Maine could not comprehend it. But it was contended that there could be no reduction. This was not so. There could be a reduction, and a great reduction, too. He had said this before the election, and he again asserted it now. There could be a very great reduction, and that reduction ought to be pushed rigorously. Mr. W. then noticed, as one means of reduction, a reformation among the office holders. He urged that office holders ought no longer to be permitted or expected to take part in politics. They ought, said he, to be compelled to remain at their desks, with their heads upon their business, and the pen in their hands, and to be required to mind that business. If this plan should be adopted, and every neglect, in point of time, or other inattention, however small, punished with instant dismissal, then the Government would be benefited to a great degree even in this matter. Here alone would be a great saving. But, said Mr. W. let the abominable system of proscription for political opinion be abolished. For his part he did not like this constant changing of office holders for opinion's sake, by which men were frequently brought in who were not capable of performing the duties. If a man was found to be competent, and minded his business, why not let him remain, instead of having these constant removal, by which the Government was put to a great expense by the appointment of incompetent persons. He had always denounced this system of proscription, and would they, after condemning its practice by the Loco Focos, be guilty of it themselves? Mr. W. concluded by expressing his opinion that a National Bank would be the only effectual means of preserving a sound currency, and his belief that General Harrison would be his own President and act for himself. Mr. HUBBARD then obtained the floor, but gave way for a motion that the committee rise; and On the question being taken, there were-ayes 45, noes 72, no quorum voting. The committee then rose and reported that fact to the House. Mr. ANDREWS moved a call of the House, but it was not ordered. Mr. RIVES said, that since the vote had been counted, a sufficient numbers of members had come in to constitute a quorum. On motion of Mr. STANLY, the House again resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole, and resumed the consideration of the bill authorizing the issue of Treasury notes. Mr. HUBBARD then commenced his remarks in favor of the bill, and in repl: to several gentle. men on the opposite side who had preceded him; but, without concluding, gave way for a motion that the committee rise; and On that question a division was called for, when there appeared-ayes 19, noes 20-no quorum. The committee then rose and reported that fact to the House. Mr. ADAMS asked leave to offer the following resolution, which was adopted: Resolved, That the instructors of the pupils of the asylum for the deaf and dumb and the education of the blind, be authorized to exhibit the progress of their said pupils in this Hall for one hour and a half on Monday morning next, before the meeting of the House. Mr. VANDERPOEL moved that the House adjourn; and thereupon Mr. ANDREWS called for the yeas and nays; which were ordered, and were-yeas 51, nays 22. So the House adjourned. NOTE. Mr. BEATTY was in the House, but not in bis seat, when his name was called on the motion of Mr. JONES of Virginia, to go into Committee of the Whole. If Mr. B. had been present, he would have voted in the affirmative. IN SENATE, SATURDAY, January 30, 1841. Mr. TALLMADGE presented the credentials of the Hon. WILLIAM C. RIVES, elected by the General Assembly of the State of Virginia a Senator from that State for six years from the 4th of March, 1839; which was read. Mr. RIVES then appeared, was qualified, and took his seat in the Senate. Mr. KNIGHT presented the credentials of the Hon. JAMES F. SIMMONS, elected by the Legislature of the State of Rhode Island a Senator from that State for six years from the 4th of March next; which were read, and ordered to be placed on file. The VICE PRESIDENT submitted a message from the President of the United States, showing the necessity of a further appropriation for the completion of the preparatory survey and exploration of the Northeastern boundary of the United States; which was referred to the Committee on Finance and ordered to be printed. Also, a communication from the Navy Department, with a statement of the appropriations for naval service during the year 1840; which was laid on the table, and ordered to be printed. Mr. RUGGLES presented the memorial of citizens of Maine, remonstrating against the repeal of the fishing bounties; which was referred to the Committee on Finance. Mr. MOUTON presented the memorial of E. Gonon, praying the adoption of a system of telegraphs to be established between the cities of Washing on an 1 New York; which was referred to the Committee on Commerce, and ordered to be printed. Mr. ALLEN, in pursuance of previous notice, asked and obtained leave to introduce a bill to continue in force the first section of an act entitled "An act to extend the time for locating Virginia military land warrants, and returning surveys thereon to the General Land Office, approved July 7, 1838; which was read twice, and referred to the Committee on Public Lands. On motion by Mr. PIERCE, it was ordered that Christian Orandorf Eave leave to withdraw his petition and papers. Mr. PHELPS, from the Committee on Roads and Canals, to which was referred a bill to amend an act entitled an act to grant certain relinquished and unappropriated lands to the State of Alabama, for the purpose of improving the navigation of the Tennessee, Coosa, Cahawba, and Black Warrior rivers, approved May 23, 1828, and the several acts supplementary and amendatory thereto; reported the same without amendment. The bill for the relief Juan Belgar; and The bill for the relief of the legal heirs and representatives of William Conway, were severally considered as in committee of the whole, and after being amended, on motion by Mr. MOUTON, were ordered to be engrossed for a third reading. The joint resolution for the relief of Langtree and O'Sullivan was taken up, and was advocated by Messrs. TAPPAN and PRESTON, and opposed by Messrs. CLAY of Alabama and SEVIER; but without coming to any conclusion thereon On motion of Mr. CLAY of Alabama, the Scnate proceeded to the consideration of the special order PERMANENT PROSPECTIVE PRE-EMPTION LAW. The bill to establish a perinanent prospective pre-emption system, in favor of settlers on the public lands who shall inhabit and cultivate the same, and raise a log-cabin thereon, was taken up, the question being on the motion of Mr. CRITTENDEN to recommit the bill with instructions to report a bill for the distribution of the proceeds of the sales of the public lands among the States. Mr. CALHOUN, who was entitled to the floor, replied at length to the arguments of Messrs. CLAY of Kentucky and WEB TER, and demonstrated the unconstitutionality of the distribution measure, and vindicated the measure of cession from the attacks of those gentlemen. He was was followed in the debate by Messrs. MANGUM and WEBSTER, and replied to those gentlemen. 1 Mr. YOUNG then took the floor, and after a few explanatory remarks, proposed as an amendment to Mr. CRITTENDEN's motion to substitute for it the bill of Mr. CALHOUN, proposing to cede the lands to the States within which they lie, upon certain conditions, which he hoped would be ordered to be printed, and the further consideration of the subject postponed until Monday. Mr. CLAY of Alabama assented to this course, but hoped as the debate on this question had already lasted four weeks, that it would be finally disposed of on Monday evening. And the Senate then adjourned. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, Mr. PICKENS, by consent, introduced the following resolution: Resolved, That the President be requested to communicate to this House, if not incompatible with the public interest, any information or correspondence he may bave in relation to recent seizures or search of any of our vessels upon the coast of Africa, or elsewhere, by British cruisers or authorities, and the cause of such search or seizure, and the authority under which they have been made. Mr. ADAMS moved to amend the resolution by adding the following: "And also copies of all correspondence between the Governments of the United States and Great Britain relating to the African slave trade, from the 3d of March, 1837, and of despatches from Nathaniel P. Trist, Consul of the United States at Havana, to the Department of State, relating in any way to the said African slave trade." Mr. PICKENS accepted this amendment as a modification of his resolution. And the resolution, thus amended, was adopted. On motion of Mr. CUSHING, the House concurred in the following resolution of the Senate, adopted on the 28th inst. Resolved, That a committee be appointed to join snch committee as may be appointed on the part of the House of Representatives, to ascertain and report a mode of examining the votes for President and Vice-President of the United States, and of notifying the persons elected of their election. The SPEAKER laid before the House the following communications, viz: I. From the Treasury Department, in compliance with the resolution of the House of the 17th of December, as to the manner in which the Independent Treasury has been carried into effect. Laid on the table, and ordered to be printed. II. From the Navy Department, in obedience to the resolution of the House of the 8th inst. calling for information in regard to the Navy pension fund. Laid on the table, and ordered to be printed. III. From the same Department, in accordance with the provisions of the second section of the act of Congress of May 1, 1820, entitled "An act in addition to the several acts for the establishment of the Treasury, War, and Navy Departments; showing the annual statement of the appropriations for the naval service for the year 1840, and the amount appropriated under each specific head, the amount expended under eacb, and the balances remaining in the Treasury on the 31st of December, 1840. Laid on the table, and ordered to be printed. IV. From the Treasury Department, in compliance with the resolutions of the House of the 22d of December, calling upon the Secretary to report to the House the amount of Treasury notes and drafts that have been issued, and drawn since the first of January, 1840, with the respective dates at which such notes and drafts have been issued and drawn; together with the names of the persons to whom, or in whose favor, and for whose benefit such drafts have been drawn, and the service, consideration, or object for which they have been drawn; also, at what time or times, and what amount of Treasury notes, if any, have been deposited with any of the banks; and if any, which of such banks, and at what time; what amount and what description of funds, if any, were received from the banks in which such deposites were made, and whether said money was left in deposite in said banks, or transferred to the Independent or SubTreasury, as directed by law, and at what time the interest commenced on the notes thus deposited. Laid on the table, and ordered to be printed. V. From the State Department, in compliance with the resolution of the House of the 27th instant, relative to the census returns from the Marshal of the district of Connecticut. Laid on the table, and ordered to be printed. VI. From the President of the United States, as follows: To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States: In compliance with the act of Congress of the 31 of March, 1829, I herewith transmit to Congress the twelfth annual report of the Board of Inspectors of the Penitentiary of the District of Columbia. M. VAN BUREN. WASHINGTON, January 29, 1841. VII. Another message from the President, viz: To the House of Representatives: By the report of the Secretary of State, herewith communicated, and the accompanying papers, it appears that an additional appropriation is necessary, if it should be the pleasure of Congress that the preparatory exploration and survey of the Northeastern boundary of the United States should be completed. M. VAN BUREN. WASHINGTON, Jan. 29, 1841. Reterred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs, and ordered to be printed. VIII. From the Navy Department, in compliance with a recent resolution of the House of Representatives, tran miting copies of naval courts martial in the cases of Commodore Smoot and Lieutenants Sharpe and Stallings. Laid on the table, and ordered to be printed. The following bill and resolution from the Senate were then read a first and second time, viz: An act authorizing the settlement and payment of certain claims of the State of Alabama: referred to the Committee of Claims. A resolution authorizing sets of the standard weights and measures to be furnished to the War Department: referred to the Committee on Military Affairs. TREASURY NOTE BILL. On motion of Mr. JONES of Virginia, the House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, (Mr. CASEY in the chair,) and resumed the consideration of the bill authorizing the issue of five millions of dollars in Treasury notes. Mr. HUBBARD being entitled to the floor, resumed his remarks from yesterday in favor of the bill. He went on to show that in the course of the debate, there was no necessity for going into the merits of the last election and other matters. The only question was on the merits of the bill then before the committee, and to that alone ought the debate to be confined. But inasmuch as members on the other side had gone into the merits of other subjects, he would consider himself as justified in slightly noticing them. He then gave his views on the subject of the distribution of the public lands and taxation, both direct and indirect. Mr. H. then showed the great profits that a National Bank must derive from the keeping of the public deposites. The enemies of the Sub-Treasury system had urged that, by that scheme, Government would keep all the money. But would not a National Bank keep all the profits from the use of the immense amount of the public money? Certainly it would. That being the case, the bank, if established,ought to be required to pay a proper bonus, so that the people might have the worth of their money. In regard to the false charge of the Oppostion, that this Administration wished to reduce the price of labor, Mr. H. said this was in conformity with the old rule of the Opposi ion, in charging the Administration with what they were aiming to do themselves. He then argued that the enormous expenditures he anticipated would be made when General Harrison came into power, would be a sure means of reducing the price of labor. Speaking of the proposed loan, advocated by some gentleman on the other side, Mr. H. declared that the State of Alabama would not accept a loan which would make her condition worse than it was before. Besides, the present distressed condition in the money market in France and England, rendered it extremely doubtful whether a loan could be obtained, if authorized. After some further remarks in relation to the public lands, Mr. H. alluded to the specie circular of the late President Jackson. He showed that if that circular had not been issued, the whole public domain would have been swept away by worthless bank paper, and then the Opposition party would have blamed the Executive for permitting it. Mr. JENIFER next obtained the floor, and spoke against the issue of Treasury notes, and in favor of a loan. After some remarks in relation to the arguments urged by Mr. WISE against an extra session, Mr. J. proceeded to contend that if Gen. Harrison should call an extra session at the earliest practicable period, he would be carrying out the principles on which he was elected. If au extra session should be called only to repeal the Sub-Treasury law, that would be of itself a sufficient reason. Mr. J. went on to express his regret that in the three days' speech of the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. WISE] that gentleman had not assumed a single position which could be sanctioned by his political friends. Mr. J. then proceeded at some length to contro. vert the conclusions drawn by Mr. W. in relation to the effects of a tariff on foreign wines, silks, etc. He (Mr. J.) argued that this course ought to be pursued by us as a matter of self-defence, and that to act upon this principle would be sound policy. If France had the right to lay restrictive duties on American goods, then we had the same right to lay an impost on her wines and silks; for he contended that the introduction of silks here was a benefit to France, and an injury to the cotton planter. Mr. J. then went into the merits of the tobacco interest, and referred at great length to the policy of this country and France in relation to it. Mr. VANDERPOEL next obtained the floor, but yielded it to Mr. CUSHING, who made a brief explanation, to the effect that the views of the North on the tariff question were conciliatory. Mr. VANDERPOEL was then about to proceed, when, at the solicitation of his friends, be again yielded the floor; and a motion was made that the committee rose. A division being called, no quorum voted. The committee then rose, and reported that fact to the House. A motion was then made to adjourn, and it was decided in the affirmative, as follows; yeas 53, nays 29. So the House adjourned. 1,492 444 Also, a communication from the Governor of Iowa, transmitting resolutions of the Legislative Council on various subjects; which were referred to the appropriate committees. Mr. CALHOUN presented a memorial very numerously signed by merchants of Charleston, remonstrating against the passage of a bankrupt law; which was laid on the table, and ordered to be printed. Mr. WRIGHT presented a memorial of citizens of Oneida county, remonstrating against the passage of any bankrupt law which will be retroactive in its operation; which was laid on the table, and ordered to be printed. Mr. W. also presented a memorial signed by a very large number of the merchants and business men of the city of Albany, against the passage of a bankrupt law similar to that of the last session; which was laid on the table, and ordered to be printed. Mr. BUCHANAN presented a memorial from citizens of the borough and county of Erie, asking an appropriation to complete the construction of the harbor at that place. Mr. B. adverted to the great importance of this harbor, in case difficulties should arise with our neighbor on the northern side of the lakes, and said that without further appropriations were made to complete it, all that had been hereto-* fore spent would have been spent in vain. He asked that the memorial might be printed, and referred to the Committee on Commerce. Mr. KING remarked that the Committee on Commerce had already taken this subject into consideration, and would report the result of their deliberations at an early day. The memorial was then referred and ordered to be printed. Mr. BAYARD presented resolutions of the Legislature of the State of Delaware in favor of a distribution of the proceeds of the sales of the public lands among the States. Mr. CLAYTON and Mr. BAYARD submitted som remarks in con. nection with this subject, in the course of which Mr. B. intimated his intention at the next session to submit a motion to expunge the expunging resolution. The resolutions were laid on the table and ordered to be printed. Mr. YOUNG presented memorials of citizens of Greene and Scott counties, Illinois, praying the establishment of certain post routes; which were referred to the Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads. Mr. Y. also presented a memorial of citizens of St. Louis, asking for aid in the construction of the Mount Carmel and New Albany Railroad Company, which was ordered to be printed. Mr. CLAY of Kentucky presented the memorial of citizens of Logan county, Ohio, asking for the recognition of Hayti and the establishment of diplomatic relations therewith. Mr. C. said as nothing could be done with this subject at the present session, if indeed any thing ought to be done at all, he would move that the memorial should be laid on the table; which was agreed to. Mr. STURGEON said he held in his hand resolutions passed by the Legislature of Pennsylvania, instructing his colleague and himself to vote for a distribution of the proceeds of the sales of the public lands among the States agreeably to their ratio of representation. He should obey the general tenor of the resolutions, and vote for the amendment of the Senator from Kentucky, [Mr. CRITTENDEN] to the bill now before the Senate. Although he was not among those who had implicit faith in legislative instructions, nor would he yield them implicit obedience, yet while he held a seat in the Senate of the United States, he should feel disposed to conform in his vote to the wishes of the people of the State which he had the honor in part to represent; and as he was inclined to believe that a majority of the people of the State of Pennsylvania may be at this time in favor of a distribution of the proceeds of the sales of the public lands, he was disposed to take the resolutions of the Legislature as collateral evidence, and collateral evidence alone, of the fact. He should cast his vote accordingly. The resolutions were read, laid on the table, and ordered to be printed. Mr. BUCHANAN presented the memorial of a number of citizens of Pennsylvania, asking that a duty may be imposed on foreign silk, for the protection of the American silk grower. Mr. B. said he was entirely favorable to the object of the memorialists, but as he had stated at the last session, the Senate had no power to originate a revenue bill. The memorial was referred to the Committee on Finance. Mr. GRAHAM presented a memorial of citizens of Orange county in favor of a bankrupt law; which was read, and laid on the table. Mr. MOUTON presented resolutions of the Legislature of Louisiana in favor of the passage of a genera. bankrupt law, which were read, and ordered to be printed. On motion by Mr. MOUTON, the petition and papers of the heirs of Peter Walker, and the papers of the heirs of Antonio Gras, were referred to the Committee on Private Land Claims. Mr. WHITE presented memorials of citizens of Indiana, Illinois, and Iowa, praying the establishment of mail routes; which was referred to the Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads. Mr. NORVELL presented resolutions of the Legislature of Michigan, in favor of the passage of a bill making appropriations for the completion of all lake harbors commenced by the Government of the United States; which were read, referred to the Committee on Commerce, and ordered to be printed. Mr. WRIGHT, from the Committee on Finance, to which was referred the memorial of William A. Whitehead, reported a bill for his relief; which was read, and ordered to a second reading. Mr. KING, from the Committee on Commerce, to which was referred the bill directing a survey to ascertain the practicability and expense of con. structing a passage from Albemarle Sound to the Atlantic Ocean, reported the same with an amend ment. Mr. K. also, from the same committee, to which was referred the memorial asking for the erection of a new custom house at Philadelphia, moved to be discharged from the further consideration of the subject. On motion by Mr. BUCHANAN, the motion to discharge the committee was laid on the table. BILLS PASSED. The bill for the relief of Juan Belgar; and The bill for the relief of the legal heirs and representatives of William Conway, were severally read a third time and passed. ORDERS OF THE DAY. The bill for the relief of Pierre Babin, The bill for the relief of George De Passau, of Louisiana, The bill for the relief of John Compton, assignee and representative of Garrigues Flavjac, The bill for the relief of Jean Baptiste Comeau, The bill confirming the claim of Jean Baptiste Comeau to a tract of land in Louisiana, and The bill for the relief of the legal representatives of Therese Malette, widow of Gaspard Phiole, were severally considered as in committee of the whole, and ordered to be engrossed for a third reading. PERMANENT PROSPECTIVE PRE-EMPTION LAW. The bill to establish a permanent prospective preemption system, in favor of settlers on the public lands, who shall inhabit and cultivate the same, and raise a log cabin thereon, was taken up, the question being on the motion of Mr. CRITTENDEN to recommit the bill, with instructions to report a bill for the distribution of the proceeds of the sales of the public lands among the States, which Mr. YOUNG had on Saturday proposed to amend by a motion to substitute for it the bill of Mr. CALHOUN, proposing to cede the lands to the States within which they lie, upon certain conditions. Mr. YOUNG addressed the Senate at length in favor of his motion, and in defence of the pre-emp tive policy. Mr. FULTON followed on the same side, who advocated the cession bill as a measure of justice due to sovereign States. Mr. HUBBARD then obtained the floor, but, it being late, yielded to a motion for adjournment. And the Senate adjourned. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, The Hon. HINES HOLT, of Georgia, elected to fill the vacancy occasioned by the resignation of the Hon. W. T. COLQUITT, appeared, was qualified, and took his seat. MILEAGE. The SPEAKER stated that a member from Kentucky, Mr. S. WILLIAMS, who was confined to his room by indisposition, had presented to him an account for short mileage at a previous Congress. He did not feel authorized to issue a warrant for the payment of the account, as it related to a time when the chair was not occupied by the present incumbent. Such cases as this had formerly been adjusted by the Committee of Accounts; but since the creation of the Committee on Mileage, that committee considered its duties on the subject as superseded. The present Committee on Mileage did not conceive that it could go behind the present Congress; and the SPEAKER said he was left the only alternative of submitting the matter to the House for their disposal. Mr. WISE moved that the SPEAKER settle and adjust the account. But, After some remarks by Messrs. SMITH of Maine, JOHNSON of Virginia, THOMPSON of South Carolina, MORGAN, WILLIAMS of Connecticut, and WHITE of Kentucky, On motion of Mr. GRINNELL, the subject was laid upon the table. TREASURY NOTE BILL. On motion of Mr. JONES of Virginia, the House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, (Mr. CASEY in the chair,) and resumed the consideration of the bill authorizing the issue of Treasury notes. Mr. VANDERPOEL being entitled to the floor, observed that there was no member of the committee who had the least doubt but that the bill would pass; and yet, although there was an immediate necessity for its passage, honorable gentlemen had selected it as a mark at which to commence a sort of fire against the Administration. At such a time, when the Treasury was in immediate want of relief, he would leave it to their own consciences to say how magnanimous was such conduct. Mr. V. then proceeded to notice the unfounded charges of the Opposition in relation to the report of the Secretary of the Treasury. A gentleman from Maine [Mr. EVANS] had contended that the Secretary had given no previous intimation that the Treasury would require relief. Such was not the case. At the last session of Congress, the Secretary had again and again called the attention of Congress to the fact, and asked the adoption of such measures as would afford relief. But no attention was paid to the warning, a deaf ear was turned to every remonstrance, and the Secretary had to go |