The counsels of my firm philosophy, That ruin's merciless ploughshare must pass o'er, To the blue heavens. Here bright and sumptuous palaces, As conscious of its being her last farewell Of light and glory to that fated city, And, as our clouds of battle dust and smoke Finding itself a solemn sanctuary In the profound of heaven! It stands before us, And down the long and branching porticoes, But thus it is—I know not whence or how, Holds o'er the shifting course of human things Her paramount dominion. Like a flood The irresistible stream of fate flows on, And urges in its vast and sweeping motion Kings, consuls, Cæsars, with their mightiest armies, Yea, even eternal Rome, and father Jove, Sternly submissive, sail that onward tide, And now am I upon its rushing bosom, I feel its silent billows swell beneath me, Bearing me and the conquering arms of Rome 'Gainst yon devoted city. SECTION CI. EXTRACT FROM THE SPEECH OF MR. PEEL, ON THE I DETAILED, sir, on a former occasion, that a dreadful commotion had distracted the public mind in Ireland—that a feverish agitation and unnatural excitement prevailed to a degree scarcely credible, throughout the entire country. I attempted to show that social intercourse was poisoned there in its very springs-that family was divided against family, and man against his neighbour-that, in a word, the bonds of social life were almost dissevered-that the fountains of public justice were corrupted-that the spirit of discord walked openly abroad-and that an array of physical force was marshalled in defiance of all law, and to the imminent danger of the public peace. I ask, sir, could this state of things be suffered to exist, and what course were we to pursue? Perhaps I shall be told, as I was on a former occasion, in forcible, though familiar language, that "this is the old story! that all this has been so for the last twenty years, and that therefore there is no reason for a change." Why, sir, this is the very reason for the change. It is because the evil is not casual and temporary, but permanent and inveterate-it is because the detail of misery and of outrage is nothing but "the old story,' ," that I am contented to run the hazard of a change. We cannot determine upon remaining idle spectators of the discord and disturbance of Ireland. The universal voice of the country declares that something must be done; I am but echoing the sentiments of all reasonable men, when I repeat that something must be done. I wish, however, to take nothing for granted, but to found my argument, not upon general assent, but upon unquestionable facts. There are, sir, practical and certain, and I fear incurable evils, which we must determine to endure, if we resolve to retrace our steps. But are there no contingent misfortunes, upon the occurrence of which, and upon the issue of which, if they should occur, a prudent government must calculate? What will be the result of civil insurrection? What will be that of foreign war? Will this system of continued exclusion, or I should rather say, of deprivation and coercion, be proof against such calamities? If it be not, is it wise to adopt it? We have had, in the recent history of Ireland, experience of the effect of both these calamities-experience of the practical bearing of each of them on the Catholic question. We have had the sad experience of that great calamity— civil discord and bloodshed. Surely it is no unmanly fear that shudders at its recurrence—no degenerate impulse that prompts one to exclaim, with lord Falkland, "Peace! peace! peace!"-that looks out with anxiety for the alternatives by which civil war may be honourably averted; which may rescue the natives of the same land, and the fellow-subjects of the same king, from the dire necessity of embruing their hands in each other's blood : Coeant in fœdera dextræ Si datur-ast armis concurrant arma cavete. Let us again appeal to history, as to the issue of civil war. Let us refer to the records of 1798, and well consider what has been the bearing of a defeated rebellion on the claims of the Roman Catholics. The character of that rebellion is written in the statute-book. The preamble of the law, which contributed to its suppression, declared it to be a wicked rebellion-that desolates and lays waste the country by the most savage and wanton violence, excess, and outrage—that has utterly set at defiance the civil powerand has stopped the ordinary course of justice and of the common law." This rebellion, thus characterized, was utterly defeated, and suppressed by force. There was the utmost indignation at the atrocities committed-there was every stimulation to retaliation and revenge-complete triumph on the part of the government,-but was there an end of the Catholic question? No, sir, so far from it, the ministers, by whose fortitude the rebellion was suppressed, carried the measure of union, as a preliminary to the settlement of the Catholic question, and resigned their offices almost before the dying embers of the rebellion were cold, because they could not also carry this very question of relief to the Roman Catholics. Will the issue, the successful issue of civil war, leave us in a better condition now than it left us in the year 1800? or shall we not, at its close, have to dis cuss this same question of concession-with imbittered animosities-with a more imperious necessity for the adjustment of this question-and with a diminished chance of effecting that adjustment on safe and satisfactory principles. SECTION CII. EXTRACT FROM THE SAME. SIR, objections, solid objections, if considered abstractedly, may be brought forward against the details of every measure of an extensive and complicated nature, like the present. Depend upon it, we never shall settle the Catholic question, if every man is determined to settle it in his own way and according to his own peculiar views and wishes. We never shall settle it, unless we are prepared to make mutual concessions and sacrifices. I admit the possibility of danger from the grant of relief, but I ask the Protestants, whether there is not a prospect, that, by uniting the Protestant mind on this subject, we shall be able to find new and sufficient securities, against any difficulties that may possibly arise out of the settlement of this question. I ask the Roman Catholics to contemplate the extent of privilege that is conferred, and the sacrifices which we make, by consenting to repeal the laws which have given an exclusive character to the legislature and government of this country. Let them meet us in the same spirit, and manifest an anxious wish to allay every reasonable apprehension. God grant that the sanguine expectations of those who for so many years have advised this settlement may be fulfilled! God grant that the removal of the disa bilities that have so long affected our Roman Catholic fellow subjects, may be attended with the desired effect; and assuage the civil contentions of Ireland!-that, by the admission of the Roman Catholics to a full and equal participation in civil rights, and by the establishment of a free and cordial intercourse between all classes of his majesty's subjects, mutual jealousies may be removed; and that we may be taught, instead of looking at each other, as adversaries and opponents, to respect and value each other, and to discover the existence of qualities, on both sides, that were not attributed to either. I have seen, day by day, disunion and hatred increasing and the prospects of peace obscured by the gloomy advance of discontent, and suspicion and distrust creeping on "step by step, like the mist at the heels of the countryman." I well know that I might have taken a more popular and a more selfish course. I might have held language much more acceptable to the friends with whom I have long acted, and to the constituents whom I have lately lost. "His ego gratiora dictu alia esse scio; sed me vera pro gratis loqui, et si meum ingenium non moneret, necessitas cogit. Vellem equidem vobis placere: sed multo malo vos salvos esse ; qualicunque erga me animo futuri estis." In the course I have taken, I have been mainly influenced by the anxious desire to provide for the maintenance of Protestant interests; and for the security of Protestant establishments. This is my defence-this is my consolation-this shall be my revenge. Sir, I will hope for the best. God grant that the moral storm may be appeased-that the turbid waters of strife may be settled and composed-and that, having found their just level, they may be mingled, with equal flow, in one clear and common stream. But, if these expectations are to be disappointed-if, unhappily, civil strife and contention shall survive the restoration of political privilege ;—if there be something inherent in the spirit of the Roman Catholic religion which disdains equality, and will be satisfied with nothing but ascendancy-still, I am content to run the hazard of the change. The contest, if inevitable, will be fought for other objects, and with other arms. The struggle will be-not for the abolition of civil distinctions—but for the predominance of an intolerant religion. Sir, I contemplate the progress of that struggle with pain; but I look forward to its issue with perfect composure and confidence. We shall have dissolved the great moral alliance that has hitherto given strength to the cause of the Roman Catholics. We shall range on our side the illustrious authorities which have heretofore been enlisted upon theirs ;-the rallying cry of "civil liberty" will then be all our own. We shall enter the field with the full assurance of victory-armed with the consciousness of having done justice, and of being in the right-backed by the unanimous feeling of England-by the firm union of orthodoxy and dissent by the applauding voice of Scotland; and, if other aid be requisite, cheered by the sympathies of ever |