be calculated for more extensive influence, Ì have deemed it of importance publicly to state what is above, that those persons who may be unacquainted with the characters concerned, may be guarded against giving credit, either to the authenticity or justice of this performance, until the event of an investigation, which I will immediately commence, shall be made public. "THOMAS PINCKNEY."

This letter must have been written, one would think, in a fit of insanity! How could a man like THOMAS PINCKNEY be so very foolish as to write and publish a letter like this! He knew that the letter was not a forgery: he knew that it was authentic: he knew that its authenticity had been acknowledged by Mr. ADAMS in his presence: and he further knew, that all these facts were well known to JEFFERSON and DUANE! No sooner, therefore, did this letter of THOMAS PINCKNEY reach Philadelphia, than DUANE published a narrative of the explanation and agreement that took place between Messrs. PINCKNEY and ADAMS, last winter. This involved PINCKNEY in fresh difficulties. The authenticity of the letter was now proved; and THOMAS PINCKNEY was compelled to call on ADAMS for a recantation, or to submit to the charge of having been the willing tool of a foreign court. He, as might well be expected, chose the former. He wrote to ADAMS, whom, it appears, he not only required to recant, but also to publish his recantation, which the latter actually did in the following letter, which we have taken from the New-York Gazette of the 29th of October last :

"It was only on yesterday that I received the letter you did me the honour to write me, on the 16th of September.-For

the friendly and respectful stile in which it was written, I pray you to accept of my hearty thanks, and you shall receive in my answer all the satisfaction in my power to give you.

"Of the letter, which is published in my name, I have no copy nor any particular recollection. In general I remember, that when Mr. Coxe was assistant to the Secretary of the Treasury, he was very assiduous in his attentions to me-made me many visits at my house, and many invitations to his own, when I was at the seat of government, and wrote me many letters, when I was absent from it. I have also an indistinct idea of his writing me a letter before your embarkation for Europe, expressing a great anxiety that an interview should take place between you and me, before you should depart, and an opinion, that it would be in my power to communicate some useful information and advice, relative to the subject of your mission. As I knew of nothing that could make it necessary for you to take a journey to Quincey, or for me to go to Philadelphia, it is probable I wrote him something like the letter that is published. This, however, has been manifestly either so carelessly copied or unfaithfully printed, that I must refer to the original letter, which, if it is in my hand-writing, may be easily known.

"It may not be easy for me to give you a clear idea of the situation I was in, when that letter was written. In order to accomplish this necessary purpose as well as I can, it must be observed, that in May 1792, it was my misfortune to be wholly unacquainted with all the gentlemen who bear the name of Pinckney, I had never seen one of them in my life, as I can recollect, and knew not that there were more than two. When I heard of your appointment, I recollected the conversation with the Marquis of Carmarthen, now Duke of Leeds, and imagined it probable, that bis Lordship might bave intimated, directly or indirectly, to some one near the President, that one of the Mr. Pinckneys would be agreeable at Court. I never bad an idea of any other audience, than that which is very common in Europe, when one Government causes intimations to be given to another, that the appointment of some particular gentleman would be agreeable. And I now fully believe, that my suspicion of even that kind of influence was wholly unfounded in reality, though it bad then some colour in appearance. The other insinuation, concerning the Pinckney family, had no other foundation than this:-When I received my commission to the Court of St. James's, I observed in it a limitation to three years. As I did not recollect any example of this before, I was at a loss for the reason of it; but as I did not intend, at that time, to remain in Europe, even so long a time as three years, I thought very little of it, until afterwards on my arrival in London in 1785, I received information without inquiry, that Mr. Pinckney, a member of Congress, from South Carolina, had said, that,

"The limitation to three years had been inserted in my commission, for the purpose of getting rid of me; that the mission to London was too good a thing for me; and that the

intention

intention was, as soon as I could be removed, to send a Mr. Pinckney, of South Carolina, in my room." When I heard of Mr. Pinckney's appointment, this London information came into my mind, and diverted me, because I supposed Mr. Pinckney, after eight years, had carried his point, and occasioned the sentiments expressed in the letter, which, from the sportive, playful, careless air of it throughout, must be easily perceived to have been confidential. It may be easily ascertained who was the Mr. Pinckney, who was a member of Congress in 1784 or 1785, when my commission was granted, and dated, and when the limitation to three years was inserted.

"On this occasion, it is but justice and duty in me to declare, that I have not at this time the smallest reason to believe or suspect, that you or your brother ever solicited any appointment under government, abroad or at home; that the whole conduct of both, as far as it has come to my knowledge, (and I have had considerable opportunities to know the conduct of both since 1792) has shown minds candid, able and independent, wholly free from any kind of influence from Britain, and from any improper bias in favour of that country or any other; and that both have rendered, with bonour and dignity to themselves, great and important services to our country. And I will add in the sincerity of my beart, that I know of no two gentlemen, whose characters and conduct are more deserving of confidence.

"I cannot conclude without observing, that we are fallen on evil times-on evil times indeed are we fallen, if every conversation is immediately to be betrayed and misrepresented in newspapers, and if every frivolous and confidential letter is to be dragged by the hand of treachery from its oblivion of eight years, and published by malice and revenge, for the purpose of making mischief.

"I am, Sir, with great truth and regard,

"Your friend and humble servant,
"JOHN ADAMS.”

The Honourable THOMAS PINCKNEY, Esq.
Charleston, South Carolina.

As your letter bas been so long on the way to me, I shall publish this answer immediately, which I hope you will excuse.

By comparing this letter with the letter of CoXE, the reader will clearly perceive what a dilemma Mr. ADAMS has reduced himself to. If his insinuations were founded in truth, what shall we say of his letter to PINCKNEY? And, if they were not founded in truth, what shall we say of his letter to CoXE?

That he has been most shamefully betrayed is certain; and all the world must detest the treacherous wretch, who, to answer party purposes, could so readily divulge, and publish, the confidential expressions of his friend. But while we execrate the conduct of Coxe, it is impossible for us to refrain from condemning that of Mr. ADAMS.

The close of the poor old man's letter to PINCKNEY is truly pathetic: "on evil times, indeed, are "we fallen, if every frivolous and confidential letter "is to be dragged, by the hand of treachery, from "its oblivion of eight years, and published by ma"lice and revenge, for the purpose of making mis

chief."-Excellent observation! But, does Mr. ADAMS recollect no other instance of this species of perfidy and malice? Does he not recollect, that Doctor FRANKLIN, (the "old Zanga of Boston,") purloined the letters of Governor HUTCHINSON and Lieut. Governor OLIVER, with those of several other persons, and conveyed them to the Assembly of Massachusetts; which Assembly voted him their thanks for so doing; and of which Assembly, we believe, Mr. JOHN ADAMS was a member !!" His mischief shall return upon his own head, and his violent dealing shall come "down upon his own pate,'

ADAMS's PUBLIC CONDUCT.

Review of a Letter from Mr. ALEXANDER HAMILTON, Concerning the Public Conduct of Mr. ADAMS, President of the United States, published at New-York, in August, 1800.-From the Anti-Jacobin Review.

MOST of our readers are well acquainted with the character of Mr. HAMILTON to such as are not, it may be proper for us to state some circum

stances

stances respecting a person, who has rendered himself famous in the American annals, who long has been, and who yet is, a leading man in the United States.

This gentleman, who is a native of the West Indies, having been, early in life, connected with a mercantile house at New-York, went to take up his residence in that city, not many years before the breaking out of that revolt, which, by the humane instrumentality of a Howe and a Shelburne, terminated in the total separation of the colonies from the mother country. Mr, Hamilton entered into the American army at a very early stage of the contest, and was soon distinguished for his discretion and his valour. His high reputation for both procured him the post of Aid-de-Camp to General Washington, whose fame is, perhaps, more indebted to Mr. Hamilton than to any intrinsic merit of his own.

In the history of the war, we find Mr. Hamilton rising from rank to rank, till, at the siege of York town, we see him a Colonel, commanding the attack on one of the redoubts, the capture of which decided the fate of Lord Cornwallis and his army, Mr. Hamilton's conduct on this occasion was such as marks the true hero. Previously to the assault, La Fayette, who was high in command in the American army, proposed to Washington to put to death all the British officers and soldiers that should be taken in the redoubts. Washington, who, as Dr. Smyth truly observes, "never did one generous action in his life," replied, that, as the Marquis had the chief command of the assault, " he might do as he pleased." This answer, which was very much like that of Pontius Pilate to the Jews, encouraged the base and vindictive Frenchman to give a positive order to Colonel Hamilton to execute his bloody intention. After the redoubts

L 4