The undisturbed operation of this plan, of course excludes two forms of effort, to which nearly all our benevolent societies have at some time resorted, and always with bad results.

1. "Extra effort," to make a "crisis." A "crisis," unless evidently produced by some change of circumstances which there was no reason to anticipate, always injures the reputation of a society for good management. "Why," the people will ask, "did they let the society get into a crisis? Why did they not foresee what was coming, and provide for it in season? Is it safe to put our money into the hands of men who have not energy and sagacity enough to keep out of a crisis?" And then, "extra effort" this year, from its very nature, implies less effort next year, and therefore can give nothing but unsteadiness to the operations of the society that depends upon them. And if they become frequent, they cease to be "extra" they lose their power, and the minds of donors are thrown into such a state, that extra stimulants are required to produce ordinary effects. The excitability of the givers is soon used up, and the amount required from them, even in a moderate number of years, is less than if no extra effort had been used.

2. Large subscriptions, payable by instalments. The strong objection against this system is, that the donor is in one state of mind when he subscribes, and another when he pays. A few choice spirits may go through the operation uninjured; but the general working of the system will be this:-The subscription is obtained, by exciting the benevolence of the donor; the effect of that excitement on his character, is benign; but the payment of each instalment comes upon him like the payment of a debt, which is claimed because of his "" promise to pay." The society comes up before his mind, not as his agent in a benevolent work, but as his creditor, whose demands are to deprive him of a certain number of his dollars. He pays his successive instalments, if he pays them at all with a steadily increasing regret; and when he pays the last, is glad that he has done with you. For the sake of consistency, he may still call himself your friend; but his coldness will make him such a friend, as is equivalent to an enemy. In many cases, this change of feeling will be perfected before half the instalments are paid, and will prevent the payment of the other half. In one of the most successful movements of this kind, apparently, that I ever witnessed, probably not one-third of the instalments were ever paid; and though more than ten years have elapsed, that society has never been able to do any thing on the same ground since. My explanation of the working of this system may appear metaphysical, and over-refined, but I have no doubt of its truth; and the fact at least is certain, that sad experience has taught our principal benevolent societies, to avoid that way of raising funds. An annual appeal to each donor's benevolence, is found to

succeed much better in the end.

Some of your readers may suspect that I have overrated the sagacity, the intelligence and considerateness of the people of New England, and that I have ascribed to them, thoughts which came into my own mind, as appropriate to certain occasions, but which will never occur to them. In reply to such an objection, I can only say, that I have been continually on my guard against that error, and believe that I have generally avoided it. From my earliest years of manhood, my relations to the common class

of givers in New England have been such, as have compelled me to observe and study the working of their minds on such subjects; and I have endeavor d to describe them to you, not as I fancy they may be, or ought to be, but as I have actually found them. How well I have succeeded, your own knowledge of them will enable you to judge; you can judge, too, far better than I can, how far the same descriptions apply to the people in other parts of the United States.

I concluded my former letter with the remark, that in New England, the society has a prospect of an abundance of hard work, under circumstances very favorable to success. This, I trust, has shown ground for hope, that the success may be permanent.

Very truly yours,

JOSEPH TRACY.

LATE AND HIGHLY INTERESTING DESPATCHES FROM LIBERIA. We now submit despatches recently received by the brig "Hope," and still later by the schooner "Atalanta." The affairs of the Colony appear to have been conducted with ability and economy, by the Governor, who has devoted all his energies to the advancement of the public welfare. We have several other valuable letters from the Colony, also files of the Liberia Herald and Africa's Luminary, affording matter of great interest for our future numbers.

GOVERNMENT HOUSE, MONROVIA,

June 9, 1842.

GENTLEMEN. On the 29th January last, I embarked on the Schooner Regulus, and visited Edina, Bassa Cove, Bexley, Sinou, Cape Palmas; and nearly all the intermediate native towns.

The people at Edina and Bassa Cove, appeared glad to see me, as almost every one had some business to be attended to. Many had unsettled accounts with the Agency and Commonwealth; some wanted farm land, others title deeds for lands cleared and planted, and not a few had grievances of every description to settle, or be redressed.

I was detained here eight days endeavoring to attend to all these matters, and, I believe, succeeded in settling some accounts, reconciling some difficulties, &c., &c. On my arrival at this place, I found anchored at the Cove a "long, black, suspicious looking schooner." On my reaching the shore I ascertained this vessel was from New York, and had just landed a cargo of merchandize at New Cesters in the charge of a Spaniard, who came out in her as supercargo. I learned further she had been overhauled at New Cesters by the Commander of one of her Majesty's cruisers, who, pronounced her papers regular, and that she was owned by

of New York, and chartered to deliver a cargo of merchandize at New Cesters on the coast of Africa. The collector at Bassa, had boarded her the day before my arrival, and reported that the Captain refused to pay any port charges, alleging "that as he was only supplying his vessel with ballast and water, he felt that he was not bound to pay the charges."

As the Captain did not visit the shore, and as we had no means within our reach, to force a compliance with our port regulations, we had to content ourselves with the indulgence, that ere long we may be able to assert our rights, and not have the mortification to see our laws disregarded, and the authorities put at defiance, and by those too, who should be the first to respect us, and to take us by the hand and lead us to a nation's glory.

The second day after my arrival at Bassa Cove, I met a stranger, (a white man) who spoke good English, though he had all the appearance of a foreigner. I soon ascertained, that this man was the supercargo of the New York schooner. I questioned him as to the object of his visit to the coast of Africa? By whom the vessel was owned ? What kind of a cargo he expected to take from the coast? And what brought him to the settlement? To the first, he answered, he came to purchase Camwood and Palm oil. I said to him at once, you have come to purchase slaves, to which he made no reply. To the second question, he said, the vessel was owned by Mr. B- of New York, who would be on the coast himself in a few days. As I supposed, he alluded to B of New York,

I asked him what B-? He said he could not recollect his Christian name, but it was a Captain B- who had been trading at the colonies for some time-said he had never seen Bhimself.

By his many equivocations, I concluded that he knew very little about B―, and perhaps B- less about him. Said thirdly, the vessel would take no cargo from the coast, that she would sail in a few days for one of the Cape de Verd Islands, from thence to the U. S. direct, and would be happy to take charge of any letters I might wish to send to America. It was soon rumored in the settlement, the vessel was going to America; the next day packages of letters, &c., were sent by boats and canoes on board to be delivered in America, whether they ever reached their destination or not, I cannot tell; I did not believe him, therefore, did not send any. Fourthly, he said, he came to the settlement to see if he could purchase any quantity of Camwood and Palm oil, and said the Captain would be on shore the next day to see me.

I told him, I knew him to be a slaver, and as such he must leave the settlement immediately. He departed forthwith, and I have not heard of his visiting the settlement since. The Captain did not visit the shore the next day, nor did I see him at all. The fourth day the vessel got underweigh and stood up the coast: she sailed very fast.

I got information from the Fishmen at the Cove, that she would return in a few days, to take a cargo of slaves. I was exceedingly anxious to arm and man the Regulus, and wait for him in company with the British cruizer "Termagant," then off New Cesters; many of the Colonists offered to volunteer: I was afraid this might not meet the approbation of the Board, I therefore abandoned the idea. She did return in about ten or fifteen days, took in a cargo or 250 SLAVES, and put to sea-all done in about 12 hours.

After getting through with my business at the settlement, I set sail for Sinou, where we arrived on the 8th February. I made but a short stay here, after giving some directions for the security of the prisoners, who committed the murder detailed in my last communication, (15th April.) We proceeded on our voyage; I was anxious to reach Cape Palmas in ad

vance of another vessel bound to the same place and for the same purpose -to procure a supply of rice.

We anchored at Cape Palmas on the 11th, and learned with much regret, that no rice could be bought.

The brig Harriet, from Baltimore, that had arrived a few days before us, had purchased what they could spare. This vessel brought out the two Roman Catholic Missionaries. On visiting the shore, I found the other Missionaries in quite a state of excitement. They regretted very much the introduction of the R. C. Religion to the Colony, and apprehended in these two men formidable rivals; and well they might, for they are both men of influence and talent; and their forms and ceremonies, in fact their whole system of religion, are so well adapted to the feelings and natural dispositions of the natives, that they will fall into it immediately.

I visited most of the Mission establishments, and was well pleased with what I saw.

Rev. Mr. Wilson is doing much to redeem Africa's degraded sons; his native schools are pretty well attended, and some of the scholars make considerable proficiency.

The Methodist Mission school is also conducted with much energy, and will no doubt prove a blessing to Africa.

Rev. Mr. Minor of the Episcopal Mission, with whom I had some acquaintance, I undertstood was sick, and as Dr. Savage whom I saw pass the Government House several times gave me no invitation, I had not the pleasure of visiting that establishment.

Governor Russwurm manages the affairs of the Colony, with much prudence and discretion, and every thing appears prosperous, the people generally are contented and happy.

On the 14th we left Cape Palmas well pleased with all we had seen: next morning we heard heavy firing of cannon at some distance up the coast, which could not be accounted for, except as some conjectured, the three French men-of-war we knew to be at " Jaraway," had fallen in with some pirate or slaver, whom they had engaged. At1 o'clock, P. M., about 10 miles from the anchorage at "Jaraway" we saw the Frenchmen underweigh and standing to the southward. As we neared the shore, we discovered a French Flag flying on the heights, near one of the large towns. We were soon boarded by several canoes from the shore, and learned from the natives, that the Frenchmen had contracted for the purchase of the place, that the purchase money was to be paid in eight or ten months; that the French had agreed to establish and erect fortifications, that morning the King and Headmen had visited the ships, and the Commander had fired a number of guns. I sent word to King Jack, (who I had known for several years) that I had come to visit him, &c., &c.; but as I had been informed he had sold his country, without letting the Americans know it, therefore, I should leave immediately. He sent a messenger immediately to inform me, if I would stay for him, he would come on board. Fifteen minutes afterwards the old gentleman was along-side. He said they had not sold the country-but when I reminded him of the French flag that was still flying, he said, they had only purchased a small place to establish factories, and that if I wished to purchase he would sell me as much land as I wanted, pointing at the same time to an extent

of about three miles on the beach, saying he would sell me that. I told him I would think of it and let him know in a few months. After receiving a dash, or present (which these dignitaries always seem to claim as a matter of course,) he left us, telling me he should expect an answer. I afterterwards learned from pretty good authority, that the French had purchased a large tract of country at this place by Royal authority. And that the French Government intends making establishments along the coast to prevent British merchantmen monopolizing the trade. They made several other attempts to purchase territory, viz: at Butaw, Kroo Country, &c.; but I believe without success. They are to return up the coast in a few months and will no doubt make another attempt.

We left "Jaraway" the next morning for "Grand Sess," where we arrived the same evening, and the following morning the King and Headmen (having been invited) came on board. I was anxious to get this place, therefore soon opened to them the object of my visit They appeared at first not disposed to sell, but rather we should settle among them and trade, offering to give us as much land as we wanted. Finding that I would not consent to any thing less than a purchase, after much talk and palavering, the following agreement was signed, viz :

"We the undersigned, King and Headmen of the Territory of Grand Sess, do agree on our part to sell to the Am. Colonization Society forever, (for and in consideration of one thousand bars, equal in value to $500, to be paid to us by the said Society) a certain tract of land, in the territory of the said Grand Sess, bounded as follows: commencing at the mouth of the river Pow, and running along the beach south-easterly, two miles, thence running east twenty-five miles, and thence, north-westerly ten miles, and thence, west to the mouth of the said river Pow. It is further agreed that this contract shall be forwarded to the Am. Col. Society in the U. S. for their approbation, and should they decline the purchase, this agreement to be void.

"GOVERNOR TOM,

WILLOW,

GEORGE WILSON,

JAMES LIVERPOOL,

PALAVER HOUSE MASTER."

* *

As an earnest I gave them about 100 lbs. of tobacco, with the promise to inform them of the determination of the Society, as soon as practicable. This subject I hope you will speedily attend to. It is a great Rice and Palm oil country, and foreigners would not like it to fall into our hands. There were at the time two British and one American factories established on shore, and it is understood in our contract that those factories are not to be removed, and to have the right of undisturbed trade for three years. The next morning we sailed for "Little Sess," where we arrived the same evening, and where the Fishmen had promised to pay the $1000, stipu lated in a treaty signed at Bassa Cove in 1839. After remaining here two days they paid us four small Bullocks, (worth about $10 each) with a promise if we would remain two days longer, they would give us six more Bullocks, all they could pay at present, but as the expense of the vessel would be about equivalent to the value of the cattle, I determined to leave immediately. The natives here are very hostile to the English. For some