deem himself warranted in supporting it as a thing irresistibly and loudly called for by the urgency of existing circumstances.

Mr. GILES, in reply to Mr. W. SMITH, remarked, that, having just presented the outlines of his opinion upon this subject to the House, he intended not to have troubled the House with any further observations; but the gentleman last up had thrown an imputation upon the humanity of the opposers of the bill, which required an answer. The gentleman has triumphantly asked, "Who can read the representations of the unfortunate captives at Algiers, without giving their assent to the bill?" This question is answered by another: Who can read the representations of the unfortunate captives at Algiers, and give an assent to the bill? The bill contains essentially a declaration of war. The means it provides, are for resistance, not for conquest. The gentleman calls upon our humanity to ameliorate the condition of the captives, by a declaration of war against a barbarian, without furnishing any means which could operate upon his personal fears; or, perhaps, the gentleman conceives that, after the frigates shall have performed wonders upon the water, they would leave the element, boldly march upon the land, and break the chains of the prisoners. This is assigning a new office to the frigates, and if Mr. G. thought they possessed the ability to execute it, he would give his hearty assent to the

bill.

[H. of R.

Wadsworth, Jeremiah Wadsworth, Artemas Ward, John
Watts, and Richard Winn.

NAYS.-Messrs. Theodorus Bailey, Abraham Baldwin, Thomas Blount, Thomas P. Carnes, Gabriel Christie, Thomas Claiborne, Isaac Coles, William Findley, William B. Giles, James Gillespie, Christopher Greenup, William Barry Grove, Carter B. Harrison, John Heath, Daniel Heister, John Hunter, William Irvine, Matthew Locke, Nathaniel Macon, James Madison, Joseph Mcdrew Moore, Joseph Neville, Anthony New, John NichoDowell, Alexander Mebane, William Montgomery, Anlas, Nathaniel Niles, John Page, Francis Preston, John Smilie, Israel Smith, Thomas Tredwell, Philip Van Cortlandt, Abraham Venable, Francis Walker, Benjamin Williams, Paine Wingate, and Joseph Winston.

Resolved, That the title of the said bill be, "An an act to provide a naval armament."

Mr. WILLIAM SMITH, from the committee aptions in the act for establishing the Judicial Courts, pointed, presented a bill making certain alteraand altering the time of holding certain Courts; which was read twice, and committed.

sented a bill for the relief of Stephen Paranque; Mr. WATTS, from the committee appointed, prewhich was read twice, and committed.

TUESDAY, March 11.

A memorial of Leighton Wood, junior, Joseph Stretch, and Joshua Dawson, in behalf of themselves and other clerks in the Treasury Department, was presented to the House and read, praying that they may receive such compensation, in addition to the salaries allowed them by law, as may be deemed equitable and proper, to reimburse the extraordinary expenses they incurred in the discharge of their official duties during the late calamity in the city of Philadelphia, where they remained at the great personal hazard of themselves and families.

But might it not, with more reason and probability, be concluded, that a declaration of war, under such circumstances, would irritate the barbarians and furnish additional misery to the unfortunate prisoners? In the expedient of purchasing a peace, which is the substitute he relied upon, the redemption of the captives will almost necessarily constitute a part of the negotiation. Mr. G. said, the gentleman, on this subject, appeared to have forgotten the whole connexion between cause and effect, and to have disdained all comparison of the means to the end. He believed, if ever there was a measure involving great political consequences, which owed its existence to passion, without one Mr. DEARBORN, from the committee appointed, effort of calculation, as far, at least, as it related to presented a bill for erecting a light-house on the its ostensible object, it was the measure contem-Island of Seguin, in the District of Maine; which plated by the bill now before the House.

The question was then taken on the passage of the bill, and it was resolved in the affirmative yeas 50, nays 39, as follows:

Ordered, That the said memorial be referred to Mr. TRACY, Mr. MONTGOMERY, and Mr. WILLIAMS; that they do examine the matter thereof, and report the same, with their opinion thereupon, to the House.

was read twice, and committed.

A message from the Senate informed the House, that the Senate have passed a bill, entitled "An act to erect a light-house on the head-land of Cape Hatteras, and a lighted beacon on Ocracock Island, in the State of North Carolina;" to which they desire the concurrence of this House. The said bill was read twice, and committed.

YEAS. Messrs. Fisher Ames, John Beatty, Elias Boudinot, Shearjashub Bourne, Benjamin Bourne, Lambert Cadwalader, David Cobb, Peleg Coffin, Joshua Coit, Henry Dearborn, George Dent, Samuel Dexter, Thomas Fitzsimons, Dwight Foster, Ezekiel Gilbert, Nicholas Gilman, Henry Glenn, Benjamin Goodhue, James Gordon, Samuel Griffin, George Hancock, James Hillhouse, William Hindman, Samuel Holten, John Wilkes Kittera, Amasa Learned, Richard Bland Lee, William Lyman, Francis Malbone, Peter Muhlenberg, William Vans Murray, Josiah Parker, Thomas Scott, Theodore Sedgwick, Jeremiah Smith, Samuel Smith, William Smith, Thomas Sprigg, Zephaniah Swift, Silas Ordered, That the said bill, with the amendTalbot, George Thatcher, Uriah Tracy, Jonathan Trum-ments, be engrossed, and read the third time tobull, John E. Van Allen, Peter Van Gaasbeck, Peleg morrow.

The House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole House, on the bill to provide for the defence of certain ports and harbors in the United States; and, after some time spent therein, the Chairman reported that the Committee had had the said bill under consideration, and made several amendments thereto; which were severally twice read, and agreed to by the House.

situations, to accommodate the Southern States; and that the arsenals and magazines at Springfield, in Massachusetts, and Carlisle, in Pennsylvania, be repaired; and that a sum not exceeding fifty-nine thousand dollars be provided for that purpose.

The House proceeded to consider the amendResolved, That a national armory be erected, and ment reported by the Committee of the Whole that a superintendent, and two master armorers, be apHouse on Thursday last, to the bill making fur-pointed by the President of the United States, to suther provision for the expenses attending the in-perintend the same. That so many persons may, from tercourse of the United States with foreign na- the Department of War may judge necessary; and that time to time, be employed therein, as the Secretary for tions; and, the same being twice read, was, on the question put thereupon, agreed to by the House. Ordered, That the said bill, with the amendment, be engrossed, and read the third time to

a sum not exceeding twenty-two thousand eight hundred and sixty-five dollars be provided for defraying the expense thereof.

Resolved, That a sum not exceeding one hundred and forty-three thousand six hundred and forty dollars, be provided, for the purpose of purchasing an additional quantity of arms and ammunition.

Ordered, That a bill or bills be brought in, pursuant to the said resolutions, and that Mr. FITZSIMONS, Mr. GOODHUE, Mr. JEREMIAH WADSWORTH, Mr. FORREST, Mr. MALBONE, Mr. BOUDINOT, Mr. PARKER, Mr. MACON, Mr. WINN, Mr. GILMAN, Mr. WATTS, Mr. ORR, Mr. BALDWIN, Mr. ISRAEL SMITH, Mr. LATIMER, and Mr. DAYTON, do prepare and bring in the same.

A Message was received from the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, with translations of two Letters from the Commissioners of His Catholic Majesty to the Secretary of State and of their en

rations, and shall be subject to the same rules and regulations, as the other troops of the United States.

Resolved, That the said regiments shall be furnished with arms and accoutrements at the expense of the United States, to be returned at the expiration of their term of service.

Resolved, That revenues by taxes or duties, competent to the purpose of defraying the expense of raising and paying the said troops, be provided.

Resolved, That, within two years and six months after the time which shall be prescribed by law for beginning to enlist the said troops, if no war shall in the mean time break out with any foreign European Power, the regiments aforesaid shall be abolished and cease. Resolved, That the President of the United States be authorized, if in his judgment the safety or welfare of the United States shall require it, to lay an embargo, generally or particularly, upon ships in the ports or harbors of the United States, for a term not exceeding, at any one time, forty days; and also to prohibit, for a like term, generally or particularly, the exportation of commodities from the United States; and such embargo or prohibition to continue, from time to time, until the expiration of fourteen days after the commencement of the session of Congress next ensuing the present.

[MARCH, 1794.

now the Independent United States, were dear to them, and would be doubly dear as the means of supporting their profitable Dominions in the West Indies. He hoped that the thirst for conquest would never direct the Councils of America; but, if we are unfortunately to be driven to the carnage of war, it will be necessary to wound our enemy where he is most vulnerable. The resolutions would, he hoped, undergo a temperate discussion. When possessed of the force contemplated, the adjacent rich Dominions of the nation, whose policy injures us, can easily be struck, and the wound will certainly be severely felt. This impending blow will render that Power cautious; they will reflect on the danger of rousing the resentment of a country so capable of retaliating with vigor. These were the objects he had in view by his resolutions. Objections to them would arise; the jealousy which Republicans bear to standing armies might be mentioned with some weight; a militia would be pointed at as the surest defence. They certainly are so, to a certain extent; the opinion of their efficacy operated to so great a length before our Revolution, that it perMr. SEDGWICK remarked, that his object was haps in a degree injured us: but experience is the the preservation of peace; but as peace may not surest guide. A militia must be abandoned as a always be in our power, it may be necessary to means of retaliation. The terms of embodying prepare for the contrary event, war: and, in this militia are so short, that by the time they have event, something like the measure he proposed become a competent and effective force they must would, he believed, be found necessary. His reso- be disbanded, and then nothing but force can delutions contemplate giving a bounty of twelve dol-tain them in the field, and the country is left nalars per annum, in a suit of clothes, to each private ked and unprotected. Besides, their wages, of and non-commissioned officer. This, he believed, necessity, are greater in time of war than those would be found sufficient encouragement to enlist, of regular troops, and the want of discipline occaand half a dollar to each on the days of muster he sions them to commit a great waste on the prothought also sufficient. This might, indeed, at first perty of their fellow-citizens, besides a waste of view, be thought high pay, but not so if it is con- public property. As long as we depend on a misidered that the mustering would be an inconve-litia alone for repelling foreign injury short of a nient interruption in the ordinary labor of the men, which should be compensated for. There might, at first sight, be thought to be an inconsistency in his resolutions, which he would, to prevent misapprehension, explain. In one part of them the men are said to be enlisted for two years, and then again it is expressed, that two years and six months after their enlistment the regiments are to be disbanded: the six months are considered as necessary for collecting the force, and two years their term of service; which is not too long, considering the situation of Europe. This force, organized in the manner proposed, will always be prepared to present a firm countenance in any point of our territory on which an attack may be made. He believed, however, that the experience of Great Britain, during the late war, would prevent them from making any attempts on our territory; he believed it not in the power of any nation to conquer America, or to dismember it, and possess themselves of any section of it.

direct attack on our territory, European nations will not consider us as able to retaliate, and assert our rights. But the scheme proposed will make us more formidable. And as, unless necessity compels, these troops may remain in the bosom of society, and scattered throughout the country, it is impossible that they should be formidable to the liberties of the people; it is impossible that they should have feelings different from those of the community.

One more observation he would make. When he considered the subject in his own mind, two desiderata appeared to him necessary to be united; the organization of an active force with as much speed as possible, and affording protection with the least possible expense. It might not be improper to state, as far as he was able, the probable amount of the expense of the proposed establishment: he had made a little calculation. The regiment is to consist of 1,000 privates: this number is purposely large, that the expense of officers might There is another object, besides defence, to be less; one sergeant-major, and fifty sergeants, to which the force contemplated would be equal. each regiment, would make the whole number of The European Power to which the resolutions non-commissioned officers and privates 1,051 men. point, now entertains hopes of conquest in the These, at twelve dollars for the suit of clothes per West Indies, as an indemnification for the expen-annum, would make the expense in this article ses of the war in which they are engaged. At all $12,612; and the twenty-four muster days, at half times, their Colonial possessions in this country, a dollar a day, an equal sum, in all $25,224; which,

H. OF R.]

National Defence.

[MARCH, 1794.

multiplied by 15, the number of regiments, gives holding supplies necessary to them in the prosea total of $378,440. He had not accurately ascer-cution of a darling object, and by an active force tained the amount of the officers' pay, but believed ready to strike in a vulnerable quarter, must be it would be $14,820; making in the whole $393,260 heard, and have its due weight. per annum; the whole expense of the proposed auxiliary or provisional troops. He called them auxiliary, in reference to the 5,000 regulars which now belong to the Military Establishment of the United States, with which we should be able to bring 20,000 men into the field, a number competent to any purpose for which they would be

wanted.

He next turned his attention to the source from which funds may be drawn for the execution of the plan proposed, and expressed a firm reliance on the patriotism of the people of America, who, he believed, would cheerfully submit and contribute in any manner which Congress might judge proper, in support of their rights, and to vindicate their national honor. He adverted to The resolutions contemplate, as a probable con- some observations which fell a few days since tingency, the propriety of laying an embargo on from Mr. LEE, which he said did honor to that American vessels, and prohibiting the exportation gentleman; but he could not agree with him in of the produce of the United States. If such an thinking that a land tax was immediately necesembargo shall be necessary, the operation can be sary. He believed it as yet unnecessary to touch better performed by the PRESIDENT than by the that great resource; and, if it is unnecessary, it is Legislature. In a body as numerous as the Le- not expedient. If it must be recurred to, howgislature, it is impossible to keep a secret for any ever, he believed the people had virtue and patrilength of time, and the delays which the neces-otism enough to submit without murmuring. sary forms require would be such, that the effect of the measure would be lost before finally adopted; for every ship, and all the produce which possibly could, would immediately be put out of the reach of Government.

The reasons on which this idea of an embargo are founded, are, that Great Britain cannot supply her West Indies except from the United States. If this is in any degree true in peaceable times, how much more powerfully must it operate now they have a considerable military force there to feed? In truth, without supplies from this country, they must inevitably abandon a project-with them a favorite one-the conquest of the French West Indies. In this situation of affairs, he believed it would be found proper to put into the hands of the PRESIDENT a power to lay this embargo, and in a moment to prevent all supplies going to the West Indies. On great occasions, confidence must be reposed in the Executive; and the universal confidence in the present head of that Department, would prevent all fears of its being abused in his hands. When we are once in the situation contemplated by the resolutions of fered, and if we are then obliged to exert the means in our power for our defence, (but he hoped we should not be impelled to this disagreeable necessity,) we can speak a manly language to any one who may attempt to injure or insult us. was persuaded, that if a country does not respect itself, it will not be respected by other nations; that if a nation is not vigilant in guarding their rights, they soon will have no rights to guard; if they receive insults and injuries with impunity, they will suffer injuries and insults without end. This is not the time for feeble measures. A manly conduct ought to be pursued-a conduct worthy of our brave and honorable constituents; they have strength bravely to assert, and resources to vindicate their rights. He did not wish the Government to hold any language to intimidate: we should tell the belligerent Powers that we can make reasonable allowances for a state of war, but are not to be imposed on. Such firm language, backed by our means of forcing respect, by with

He

He concluded by observing, that the nation of whose treatment we have a right to complain, viewing our resources, will reflect seriously on the consequence of imposing any further injuries, and for their own interest's sake, will pursue a different line of conduct, which will permit us to continue in a state of tranquility and friendly intercourse with them.

Ordered, That the said motion be committed to a Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union.

THURSDAY, March 13.

An engrossed bill making appropriations for the support of the Military Establishment of the United States, for the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-four, was read the third time and passed.

Ordered, That a committee be appointed to inquire into the expediency of fixing buoys on certain rocks lying off the harbor of New London, in the State of Connecticut, and Providence river, in the State of Rhode Island; and that Mr. Corr, Mr. BENJAMIN BOURNE, and Mr. COBB, be the said committee.

The House again resolved itself into a Commit tee of the Whole House on the Report of the Secretary of State on the privileges and restrictions on the commerce of the United States in foreign countries; and, after some time spent therein, the Committee rose and reported progress.

A message from the Senate informed the House that the Senate have passed a bill, entitled "An act in addition to the act for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States," to which they desire the concurrence of the House.

Mr. FITZSIMONS, from the committee appointed, presented a bill to provide for the erecting and repairing of arsenals and magazines, and for other purposes; which was read twice and committed.

FRIDAY, March 14.

The bill, sent from the Senate, entitled "An act in addition to the act for the punishment of certain

MARCH, 1794.]

Commerce of the United States.

crimes against the United States," was read twice and committed.

A message from the Senate informed the House that the Senate have passed a bill, entitled "An act allowing to Major General Lafayette his pay and emoluments while in the service of the United States;" to which they desire the concurrence of this House.

COMMERCE OF THE UNITED STATES.

The House again resolved into a Committee of the Whole House on the Report of the Secretary of State on the privileges and restrictions on the commerce of the United States in foreign countries.

[H. OF R.

Nay, if we are unanimous, from our situation, we have little to fear from European combinations. This resolution, if passed by a small majority, would show a division in this country; whereas, in measures at this time, we ought to be as unanimous as possible. There is no necessity for the resolution. My vote, by some, may be considered as unpopular; but I shall do my duty, and am well convinced that my immediate constituents will approve of my conduct.

He had felt

Mr. SMITH, of S. C., next arose. as keenly the injuries which Great Britain had inflicted on us, as any one on the floor of Congress, but had hitherto been silent, as the public mind, both in and out of doors, was sufficiently inflamed, Mr. HARTLEY said: I am exceedingly sorry that and required rather to be allayed than further irrithis resolution has been pressed upon us at this tated. When the Committee were last on the subtime, as I hold it would be improper now to adopt ject of these resolutions, the country was in a very it. If we have a war, which is highly probable, different situation from what it is now; the comthe trade will be cut off between these States and mercial relation of the two nations did not call for Great Britain, and no regulations will be necessa- them; he then and still held the opinion, that ry. I am sure no one will say that this resolution, commercial and political grievances should not be in case of a war, would be an useful or necessary confounded. On that occasion, therefore, he had ingredient for our defence. The aggressions have avoided adverting to the political conduct of the been, so far, totally on the part of Great Britain. British; he considered only their conduct in a As a nation, we may have a right to pass the re- commercial point of view, and, in this light, judged solution; but as its consequences are uncertain, the propositions by no means advisable. As operaand as this may be considered as an act tending to tive on our commercial intercourse with that meet Great Britain in hostility, I am not for pass-country in time of peace, they will only be an ining it at present. The enormities of the British lately, upon the high seas, in seizing the vessels and citizens of America, amount to piracy and robbery, and are against the law of nations. They would justify an immediate declaration of war. Prudence may, however, forbid it for the moment. We should go on with our preparations for war, and fall upon effectual measures for our protection. These ought to draw our attention. There is still a possibility of preserving peace. We should adhere to a neutrality until war is inevitable. Let When the resolutions were first before the Comthe causes of the war arise from Great Britain.mittee, he had entertained hopes that negotiations Let us do no act which will throw an imputation with Great Britain, or the events of the European upon us. If the aggressions on the part of Great war, would have worked some change in the poBritain should be continued, or satisfaction not be litical conduct of that country, which would enamade for the past, we may be necessarily involved ble us to preserve a strict neutrality and avert the in war, and we ought to be thinking on the most horrors of war from our peaceful shores. War is effectual means to carry it on. a great evil. The people, from one end of the ConThe French Republic expresses herself friendly tinent to the other, show that they prize neutralto the United States. We should not be backward ity, and the unanimous approbation of the pacific in making return for any of her good offices to- measures adopted by the PRESIDENT, show that wards us, provided our acts do not infringe the peace is the wish of the Representatives of the principles of neutrality. I believe it to be the de-nation. As long, therefore, as a gleam of hope sire of this country to preserve the neutrality; and, so far as I can learn, even the French Republic do not wish us to be involved in war.

We have been insulted and injured by Great Britain in almost every part of the globe. Generous minds would be willing to forget former injuries, but the late conduct of that nation will force us to hate her. I still would wish to avoid a war; but if we are forced into one, and should be unanimous, Great Britain may find us in a better situation than she at present imagines. To the Eastward there is an armed militia of 170,000 men; and, in general, throughout the States, men will be found to act against a common enemy.

jury to ourselves, and will affect materially those States where manufactures have not made any great progress, and who have the more bulky artícles for exports. This was his opinion of their tendency when they were first brought forward, and it had not changed since. Viewing the subject in a political point of light, the resolutions are by no means sufficiently energetic; both as a peace measure or a war measure, they are equally improper.

existed of our being able, by means of negotiation, to keep up a good understanding with Great Britain, so long he was opposed to every measure which might tend to interrupt the tranquility. But he was sorry to find, that far from receiving the expected satisfaction, aggressions have been heaped on us with tenfold aggravation. We should, then, reflect on measures proper to guard us against them. The resolutions before the Committee are not calculated, he conceived, to produce this effect; other much more efficient means can certainly be devised. The Legislature should turn their attention to measures of greater energy; they should attend to the immediate defence of the seacoast,