of a majority of the democratic party. The Chenango canal was now taken out of the hands of the anti-masons, and the law was passed, or they were well aware might, and would have been, passed without their aid. Mr. Seward and Mr. Tracy of the senate, and John C. Spencer,. George W. Patterson, and some other anti-masons in the assembly, voted against the bill. It gives me pleasure to state, that the canal commissioners, especially Col. Young, pursued a consistent course throughout in relation to this question.

I have been the more particular in relating the origin, progress and consummation of the scheme of making this canal, because I regard it as the commencement of, or entering wedge to, a system of measures, and a policy which have involved this state in a debt, which, for ought I can perceive, will continue to accumulate, or which, at all events, will not be extinguished by the present, and I apprehend, many succeeding generations. The construction of this canal was undertaken by the state after full and ample notice from its own agents, that the income from it would not even pay the necessary expenditures for keeping it in repair after it was completed, and the wages

The precedent was of a character, in a popular government, which of course will always be divided into parties, the most dangerous. A large portion of the electors of the counties of Chenango and Broome had, by their vote in 1930, put themselves in market. They virtually declared by that vote that the party which would give them a canal, (which was the same in effect as if they had said the party which would give us money,) should receive their votes. Both parties entertained the proposition and entered into a competition for the promised reward.

What is to prevent the extension and perpetuity of these pernicious and demoralizing practices? Nothing further seems necessary than for a given section of the state to combine to lay a contribution on the whole community for their particular use, and either the party out of power, for the purpose of gaining or the party in power, in order to retain it, will comply with the demand.

The only remedy for this alarming evil is a union of good men of all parties to resist such combinations.

I am sure no person will understand me as charging that the people in the valley of the Chenango would or did act differently from what the nature of man will impel other people to act under similar circumstances.

of lock-tenders and fees of collectors. This most palpably absurd project, I think it can not be too uncharitable to say, was sustained by Mr. Granger and his anti-masonic friends mainly from political motives, and was taken out of their hands and adopted by their opponents, in all probability from similar motives. This may be regarded by some as harsh language, but I am entirely deceived if it be not the language " of truth and soberness."

CHAPTER XL.

FROM JANUARY 1, 1833, TO JANUARY 1, 1839.

I HAVE heretofore written in relation to men and measures as if the events which I have recorded, had occurred, and the individuals of whom I have spoken, had existed an hundred years ago. At any rate, I have attempted so to write; and if I have not, the error has been unintentional, and I have been misled by impressions made on my own mind at the time such events occurred, produced by predilections which I then entertained.

I have now arrived at a period so near that in which I write, that it is impossible to speak of individuals and principles with the freedom I have heretofore done, without becoming a party to the present political controver sies, which would be quite contrary to my original plan, and would give to these sheets the character of a partizan work, instead of being what I intend it shall be, an impartial sketch of the history of parties. Besides, events may transpire within a very few years, or indeed within a shorter time, which may materially change, in the view of an impartial spectator, the aspect of the action and motives of action of the leading politicians, who now are performing their parts on the political theatre. I shall, therefore, in this chapter, very briefly review the prominent events which have taken place, and allude to the principal political actors from the election of Gen. Jackson, at the close of the year 1832, to the election of Gen. Harrison, in 1840; and shall merely indicate the great points of difference between the two parties, without any suggestions or discussions in relation to the merits of either

nen or measures.

Perhaps no political party was ever better organized than the democratic party in the state of New-York at the commencement of the administration of Governor Marcy. All questions in relation to the selection of candidates for elective offices, either by the people or the legislature, were settled in caucus, and every member of the party was in honor pledged to support the decision of these assemblies. S. Wright, A. C. Flagg, E. Croswell, B. Knower, J. A. Dix, and James Porter, all of them discreet and sagacious politicians, constituted the soul of the Albany Regency, by the result of whose deliberations the democratic party, so far as related to mere political operations, were generally governed.

Gov. Marcy, who now controlled the executive department of the government, although he had for a year or two past been occupied in the discharge of his official duties with national politics, had, by no means, been inattentive to the scenes which were passing in his own state. He, therefore, may be said to have been quite at home, when he assumed the gubernatorial chair. The declaration which he made in the senate of the United States, that "to the victors belong the spoils," which was the subject of considerable and warm animadversion by his political opponents, did not impair his influence with his friends at home. It was a maxim by which they were governed. And, in truth, are not all political parties in this state, and to a considerable extent in the nation, governed by it? John Quincy Adams attempted to repudiate it, and was soon politically prostrated. Even Mr. Webster, who, with great zeal denounced Mr. Marcy for avowing the principle, himself practices upon it. The open avowal of it by Marcy was an evidence of frankness; a denial would have proved him a hypocrite.

The democratic party also at this period had the full benefit of General Jackson's personal popularity, and was

basking in the sunshine of his patronage; their favorite son, Van Buren, was vice president and the acknowledged heir apparent to the presidency, and it had for its official head William L. Marcy, a man of talents of the highest order, of great decision of character, and of acknowledged honor and integrity; while on the other hand, it was now every day becoming more and more evident that the anti-masonic party, as such, never could acquire an ascendancy in the state, and all sensible men despaired of a complete and cordial union of that party with the national republicans. The banking interest, too, was at this time decidedly in favor of the democratic party.

Charles L. Livingston, of New-York, was re-elected speaker of the assembly. He received ninety-nine votes, while John C. Spencer, the anti-masonic candidate, received but twenty-two.

The new governor's message was an exceedingly well written state paper. Its style was neither declamatory nor pedantic, but easy, chaste and elegant. On the subject of the financial policy of the state, he concurred with his predecessors. He laid down some very good general rules which ought to govern the legislature in deciding upon applications for further internal improvements; and yet he all but recommends the construction of the Chenango canal. On this subject he says

"An application for a public work, to connect the waters of the Susquehannah with the Erie canal, by a communication through the valley of the Chenango, has for several successive years been made to the legislature, and will doubtless be again renewed at this session. The proposed canal extends about ninety-five miles through an interesting section of the state, and will afford additional facilities to a market, for the products of a considerable portion of our citizens. Repeated examinations of the route have been made by skilful and experienced