the investigation was attended. The feeling was an honest one, and all people, as well as committees, were affected by it and carried along with it. No mere politician could have had sagacity enough to have foreseen that, taking advantage of this feeling and giving it a direction, could have added to his political importance, as no one could then have foreseen that it would lead to any political results. All were affected, honestly affected, by the feeling, and went along with it. There were few politicians upon the early committees. Theodore F. Talbot, Timothy Fitch, Sherman Holden, Samuel Works, Josiah Bissell, jr., Henry Ely, Frederick F. Backus, Bates Cooke, John H. Phillips, Thurlow Weed, Frederick Whittlesey, and numerous others were upon the early committees, and were effective in investigating the outrage long before the question became political. Few of them were politicians, and they were of different political creeds. It is hardly credible that these gentlemen should have had sagacity enough to have taken hold of it for the purpose of giving it a political direction, though some of them have been very effective in pushing it politically since. David C. Miller held a prominent place in this affair at the first. He was the publisher of Morgan's book-a mason; his character did not stand high, before or after. He, doubtless, contributed to the excitement, both for protection and profit. The same may, perhaps, be said of Solomon Southwith and some others. After anti-masonry began to shew evidence of political power, and the principles of the action became more generally known, others joined its ranks; some, doubtless, from the hope of political preferment, but most, it must be believed, from honest convictions of its propriety. Thomas C. Love, Millard Fillmore, and Albert H. Tracy of Buffalo; Trumbull Cary, Harvey Putnam, Seth W. Gates, Henry Hawkins, and others from Genesee; Abner Hazletine, and George A,

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French of Chautauque; George H. Boughton, and Judge Deveaux of Niagara; James Wadsworth, Philo C. Fuller, George W. Patterson, and John Young of Livingston; Francis Granger, Henry W. Taylor, and Samuel M. Hopkins of Ontario; Myron Holley of Wayne; Robert S. Rose of Seneca; William H. Seward of Cayuga; Thomas Beekman of Madison; Henry C. Martindale of Washington; William H. Maynard of Oneida, and hundreds of others, who have filled prominent and responsible stations in the political world, to say nothing of John Birdsall, the circuit judge of the eighth circuit, and John C. Spencer, special counsel, and both Jackson men, could hardly have joined the anti-masonic party from mere personal or selfish considerations. They were affected by the same feelings with the people among whom they lived, and with whom they daily associated. The inexpressible energy and indomitable spirit with which the cause was prosecuted; the enthusiasm of feeling, and the perseverance in effort which was exhibited; the steady constancy and unfaltering exertion manifested in its progress; never tiring, never flagging, never faltering, are among the evidences that those who could keep up so much heart, and persevere with so much effort, were as honest as they showed themselves determined in their purposes.

The influence of anti-masonry upon other political parties has been marked, and will not soon be effaced. In the western counties it early drew to itself a majority of the old Clintonian party, and a large detachment from the Tammany party. It drove to the Jackson party those adherents of free masonry who thought themselves proscribed and oppressed by anti-masonry, and some of the leaders of the Clintonian party who thought anti-masonry was either proscriptive or would be ephemeral. It very much changed the material of the Jackson party from what it otherwise would have been. The Jackson party

1

had felt this in the secession of many of those men who were drawn into its ranks in 1830, by the proscriptive character of anti-masonry, while the western anti-masonic counties have remained as true and steady to their recent alliance, as they were staunch and energetic on their old battle field. Twelve years of repeated experiments upon these western counties, only serve to show that they came out stronger at every trial-were powerful against every opposition. This tenacity of purpose which has marked the anti-masonic counties, seems to indicate a reliable steadiness which it is almost hopeless for their opponents to attempt to change, and which those counties have undoubtedly acquired from the stern and vindictive contests which were thus waged in the earlier days of anti-masonry. It is the spirit of anti-masonry which there still exists which causes this steadiness, and which will probably not abate until at least the present generation shall have passed away. It has been of material service in advancing the present whig administration into power, and sustaining them therein. Whether it will continue to furnish such aid with the same success, it remains for the future political historian to record.

CHAPTER XXXIX.

FROM JANUARY 1, 1832, TO JANUARY 1, 1833.

Very little improvement was made in either of the legislative houses by the new members chosen at the late election. From the eighth district, the anti-masons had chosen Judge Birdsall, a man of respectable talents, but unfortunately, constitutionally nervous, and occasionally subject to dyspeptic affections, which depressed his mental energies and rendered him indisposed to take that active part in the business of legislation and in political operations, for which, had he been in mind and body in sound health, he was eminently qualified.

Mr. John W. Edmonds was an exceedingly active partizan, and possessed of considerable talent. His taste, however, seemed to lead him to devote his attention more to political management, than to the important and serious part of legislation.

Mr. Robert Lansing, a senator from Jefferson county, was inexperienced in public life, but a young man of fair mind, and endowed with talents sufficient to render him. an useful member of the legislature. His diffidence and modesty prevented his taking a very active part in the

senate.

In the assembly, the anti-masons again returned Mr. Granger and Mr. Nicholas. The party however suffered a loss by Mr. Fillmore not being returned. He was, I believe, a member of congress. That loss was, nevertheless, nearly, if not quite, made good by the election of a plain farmer from the county of Livingston. I allude to George W. Patterson, whose strong, vigorous powers of mind were not immediately developed, but who in the

course of the session began to afford evidence of intellectual energies of no ordinary character or grade.

The national republicans of the county of Queens this year returned Mr. John A. King, of whom I have before spoken. The same party also elected Jedediah Miller, a respectable and very popular lawyer from the county of Schoharie, and Hiram Bennett, formerly a regency member from the county of Sullivan.

The Jackson party added very little to the talents of their party in the assembly this year, except from the city of New-York, whose representation was, I think, somewhat improved by the election of Judah Hammond and Myndert Van Schaick, both of them respectable as lawyers and estimable as citizens.

Mr. Isaac R. Van Duzer, an active young man of promising talents, was elected on the Jackson ticket from the county of Orange, and though he afterwards became somewhat erratic in his political course, soon gave evidence of considerable talents as a legislator.

Mr. Charles L. Livingston was again elected speaker without serious opposition.

Two or three of the first pages of the governor's message, as printed in the Senate Journal, are occupied by him in laying down general maxims in relation to good governments, and in comparing the American with European governments. The same obscurity and awkwardness as a writer are manifested by the governor on this occason, as were exhibited by him in his inaugural address. I will not take up the time of the reader by presenting him with quotations to prove the correctness of this remark. It is nevertheless remarkable that in what may properly be called the business part of this message, and where the governor exhibits to the legislature the financial condition of the state, his views are presented clearly, without tautology,