was, in the early part of March, 1829, appointed by Gen. Jackson, 'secretary of state of the United States, in consequence of which the executive government of the state of New York devolved on Mr. Throop, the lieutenantgovernor, who continued to act as governor to the end of the gubernatorial term. Previous to the election in November, 1830, a state convention was held at Herkimer, for the nomination of state officers. Mr. Wright attended that convention as a delegate, from the county of Albany. Mr. Throop, in his communication to the legislature, had sustained and advocated the same principles in relation to the extension of internal improvements, and the increase of the public debt, as had been put forth by Mr. Wright in his report on the petition of David EEvans, and others, and in his report as comptroller, to the legislature. This produced some opposition to him from the delegates from the valley of the Chenango, and from the Genesee Valley.

There was also another class of men, known by the name of the "workingmen's party," of whom Gen. Root was a favorite, and who, at a popular meeting at Albany, had nominated him for governor. These circumstances, connected with the partial feelings of some of Gen. Root's old democratic friends, induced a considerable portion of the convention to support the nomination of Gen. Root; but Mr. Wright, and finally a majority of the convention, supported Mr. Throop, and he was nominated and elected.

Mr. Wright, in his annual reports as comptroller, in 1831 and 1832, took the same ground as he did in 1830, and repeated his recommendation of a state tax. The governor also, in his annual message, reiterated the recommendation. A bill was brought into the senate in

pursuance of these recommendations, but it was contended by the friends of the construction of the projected canals, that before the general fund could be exhausted, there would be a sufficient surplus revenue from the canals, after paying all the costs of their construction, to defray the ordinary expenses of government, which would be a fair substitute for the income which could be anticipated from the general fund. We recollect of hearing a very able and eloquent speech, delivered by the lamented Maynard, a senator from Oneida county, in support of this position, in which he, with great skill and address, insinuated that this project of taxation had been brought forward merely as a bugbear to frighten those who were in favor of providing for the construction of the Chenango and other projected canals.*

The course which Mr. Wright deemed it his duty to pursue in relation to the Chenango Canal, produced some feeling against him on the part of his political friends who advocated that measure; but such was the unshaken confidence reposed in him, that in 1832, when the term of his office expired, the opposition to his re-election was very feeble, and he was again nominated by a large majority of the democratic members, and chosen comptroller by the legislature. Such was his quiet and peaceful deportment, that his influence in matters in which his political friends or the public were concerned, was less exhibited than felt.

While he resided in Albany, which then was, and for a long time before and since has been, the focus of political excitement, and where the contest for place, for office, and power, is always fierce, and naturally calls into action

The bill failed of becoming a law.

the efforts of all men who are supposed to have any influence, his cautious and retiring habits enabled him to retain his natural calmness amidst the whirlwinds and storms and war of the political elements which raged around him. We then resided in Albany, and although we did not belong to the political party to which Mr. Wright was attached, we recollect that an active political friend of his, (Mr. Livingston, long a clerk and once a speaker of the assembly,) with whom we were on terms of personal intimacy, frequently complained to us that he could never induce Mr. Wright to take any part in the contests between competitors for office. This cautious conduct on his part did not arise, as we believe, from policy, or a desire to avoid responsibility, but from the innate kindness of his nature, and his unwillingness to wound the feelings of any. On questions involving principle, he was firm and immoveable. He in truth and spirit conscientiously adhered to the maxim so often repeated and so little practised, "measures-not men."

But the time had now arrived when Mr. Wright was to be removed from the political whirlpool at Albany. In November, 1832, Mr. Marcy was elected governor of the state of New York, (Mr. Throop having declined a reelection,) and Mr. Wright, early in the session of 1833, was chosen by the legislature as his successor in the senate of the United States.

CHAPTER VIII.

Senate of the United States-Mr. Gillet's contemplated Work-Mi. Wright's vote on the Force Bill and the Compromise Bill-He opposes Mr. Clay's Land Bill-Gen. Jackson's conduct in relation to the Land Bill-Marriage of Mr. Wright-Removal of the Deposites from the Bank of the United States-Mr. Clay's Resolution, and Mr. Wright's Speech thereon-His Speech on Mr. Webster's motion to Recharter the United States Bank-Session of 1834-5-Mr. Wright elected a member of the Committees on Finance and Cornmerce-His Speech on the last day of the Session-Mr. Van Buren elected Vice-President-Mr. Wright is a Member of the Baltimore Convention at the Nomination of Van Buren for President-Mr. Wright's conduct in the Senate in relation to the Anti-slavery movements-Bill for the Distribution of the Surplus Funds -Specie Circular-Mr. Wright elected Chairman of the Finance Committee-In 1837, re-elected to the United States Senate by the New York Legislature.

On the 14th of January, 1833, Mr. Wright took his seat as a member of the senate of the United States. There is no department of the government of this country which challenges more veneration than the United States senate; nor is there, as we believe, any political body on earth which deserves it better. It is, from the manner of its creation, calculated to draw into it the most talented and most patriotic men in the nation. The senators are elected, not by the masses, but by men chosen from the masses; they are the representatives of independent states, and in that respect resemble diplomatic agents and ambassadors. The duration of the office of senator is longer than that of any other elective office in the nation. The senate has equal or nearly equal power,

in the passage of all laws, with the house of representatives, a much more numerous body coming directly from the people. It holds a veto on the power of the president in the distribution of all the national patronage, and even a comparatively small minority of the senate can overrule the executive in any treaty he may negotiate.

Probably the familiar acquaintance which those who formed the constitution had with the machinery of the British government, in which the house of lords forms a part of the legislative power, induced in their minds a train of thought which led to the provision for the formation of our senate, as it bears some resemblance to that department of the English government. The senate also bears a remote resemblance to the diet of Germany. But the senate of the United States is far better calculated to draw into it talent, private virtue, and individual patriotism, than either the one or the other of the bodies just mentioned. In the house of lords, as well as in the diet, the right of membership is hereditary. Nothing can be more absurd than the recognising of an hereditary right to legislate. You might as well contend that the art of watch-making, or ship-building, could descend from father to son, as that the ability and knowledge requisite for making wise and good laws, should pass from the ancestor to the eldest male descendant. Hence, on entering the lobby of the house of lords in England, you may see grouped together, with power to legislate for that great empire, men rendered decrepit and imbecile by age, dissolute and reckless boys of twenty-one, men booted and spurred, ready for a fox-chase or a horse-race, gay lotharios, and ruined gamblers. But the senate of the United States presents an aspect entirely different. It is, and we trust will continue to be, composed of men of ripe years,