THE great struggle is at hand when the democracy will again be called upon to assert those enduring principles of equality and fraternity which they have so triumphantly maintained in a strife of half a century, against the wily enemies of popular government. In that time federalism, in its strife for power, has assumed all disguises and attacked with all means of offence; but its insidious approaches, no matter by what traitor they may have been guided, have been as vain as its open assaults. The ever vigilant, energetic and determined democracy have detected their plots, evaded their wiles, and borne down their force with almost unvarying fortune. Victors in a hundred fights, they have taught their Protean foe that they have "known all his shapes-and scorned them all." The result of the coming contest will be no exception to the rule, and the flag of democracy will still "brave the battle and the breeze," when this last desperate attack of the "holy allies" shall have spent its force and perished with the conspirators that formed it. The peculiarity of the present election consists only in the fact that the federalists, somewhat in the manner of the cunning tradesman who makes use of a desirable article to sell a bad lot, put forth the supposed warlike popularity of Gen. Taylor as a means of foisting all the old and oft-rejected federal heresies upon the people and the country. With a nominee professedly without settled principles or political knowledge, depending solely upon a meretricious reputation resting upon the merits of others for his claim to the popular suffrage, federalism, in all its genuine colors and undisguised deformity, comes before the people for their judgment. Federalism, with all its narrow, restrictive policy, fatally oppressive to the broad national industry and interests of the country-with its ineradicable error of financial policy seeking to plunge the country again into the horrors and disasters of the credit system-with its pernicious constitutional error in regard to the veto principle, which would tear out from the grand structure of our institutions one of its important and most valua ble features-with its limitless system of internal improvements, which would consolidate the government of all the localities in the hands of the central executive-and with all its bold, reckless and unscrupulous latitu

dinarian constructions of constitutional power, again renews its pretences by fastening upon the fleeting notoriety of a republican soldier, who has not acquaintance with civil privileges and duties. There can be but one reply from the ballot-box to such pretensions; and whatever merit the whig nominee may have, based upon fighting his country's enemies, they are neutralized by his connection with the enemies of popular government. The nominee has doubtless entertained some fears upon this head, and appears to have earnestly pressed upon his correspondents his determination not to be a candidate of the whig party, while he is nevertheless put forward as the exponent of heresies which he confesses he does not understand. In order to estimate aright the position which the whig nominee occupies in regard to civil duties, it is only necessary to recur to portions of some of his many letters, as follows:

June 9, 1847.

"DEAR SIR-Your letter of the 15th ult., from Clinton, La., has just reached me, asking my views on several subjects, "1st-As to the justice and the necessity of this war with Mexico on our part. 2d-As to the necessity of a national bank, and the power of Congress for creating such an institution, 3d-As to the effects of a high protective tariff, and the right of Congress under the Constitution to create such a system of revenue."

"As regards the second and third inquiries, I am not prepared to answer them. I could only do so after duly investigating those subjects, which I cannot now do; my whole time being fully occupied in attending to my proper official duties, which must not be neglected under any circumstances; and I must say to you in substance, what I have said to others in regard to similar matters, that I am no politician."

July 13, 1817.

"My willingness to yield to the wishes of the people at large, and to serve them in the office of the Chief Magistracy, should they fully and unanimously place its weighty responsibilities upon me, has been more than once expressed, but I am not willing to be the candidate of any party, to pledge myself to any political creed, save that which proceeds directly from the Constitution, and the best and paramount interests of the country, and which they solemnly demand. lf elected to the Presidential office, it must be without any agency of my own, (it will be at variance with my most cherished aspirations,) and to those duties I must go untrammelled by party pledges of every character."

August 3, 1847.

"At the last Presidential canvass, it was well known to all with whom I mixed, whigs and democrats-for I had no concealments in the matter--that I was decidedly in favor of Mr. Clay's election, and would now prefer seeing him in that office to any individual in the Union.

"I must say I have no wish for the Presidency, and cannot consent to be exclusively the candidate of a party; and if I am one at all, or to be so at the coming election, it must be borne in mind that I have been, or will be so by others, without any agency of mine in the matter. Independent of my wishes, I greatly doubt my qualifications to discharge the duties properly, of an office which was filled and adorned by a Washington, a Jefferson, as well as several others of the purest, wisest, and most accomplished statesmen and patriots of this or any other age or country. I almost tremble at the thoughts of the undertaking."

January 30, 1848.

In reply to your inquiries, I have again to repeat, that I have neither the power nor the desire to dictate to the American people the exact manner in which they. should proceed to nominate for the Presidency of the United States. If they desire such a result, they must adopt the means best suited, in their opinion, to the consummation of the purpose; and if they think fit to bring me before them for this office, through their legislatures, mass meetings, or conventions, I cannot ob