INDEX TO THE TWENTY-THIRD VOLUME. A Tribute of Affection. By Mrs. Harriet S. Handy Aunt Beck; Or, The Texan Virago, and the Tailor of Gotham. By the A Madrigal. From the French of Clement Marot. An Appeal to the Free Soil Party. By T. C. Gardiner. Page 226 321, 413 340 399 533 Buena Vista.-The Battle of Buena Vista, with the Operations of the Army of Occupation for one month. By James Henry Carleton, Capt. in the 1st Regiment of Dragoons. California.-What I saw in California; being the Journal of a Tour, by Emilia Galotti; A Tragedy in Five Acts. Translated from the German of 227 169 444 237, 348, 421, 525 77, 177, 271, 365, 461 553 84, 185, 277, 369, 466, 560 Horace. Liber I.-Ode, XIV.-To the Republic. Translated by Eugene Industrial Reform, Loiterings in Europe; or. Sketches of Travel in France, Belgium, Switzer- Notices of New Books. Old Ireland and Young Ireland. By Henry Wikoff Prince Napoleon Louis is Prison. By Henry Wikoff. Page - 109, 196, 295, 483 168 Select Library of The German Classics.-The Herman and Dorothea of 261, 355, 450, 542 304 School Architecture. 390 Sonnet-to Longfellow. By E. N. G. - Sabbath Laws in Pennsylvania.- Decision of the Supreme Court of Pa., in The Last of the Condés. By W. A. Butler. The Independence of the Judiciary. The Chesapeake. By Mrs. S. Anna Lewis. The Death of Francesco Franconia. By Mrs. A. P. Kissam. - The Roast Partridge.-From the French of Marie Aycard. By Mrs. St. The French Republic. 432 13 37 44 45 47, 161 61 The Liberty Party. The Incognita of Raphael. By William Allen Butler. 97 133 The Literati of New-York-S. Anna Lewis. By Edgar A. Poe. Territorial Government.-An Act to establish the Territorial Government, 158 of Oregon, California and New Mexico. Approved Aug., 1848. Taylor's Campaign. Message of the President of the United States, with 305 Touching the Teutons. 317 The Adventures of Christopher Columbus.-By Ada. (Concluded from THE destinies of the country at this moment hang trembling in a fearful balance, and a brief and earnest word, addressed to the great body of the people, will not be inopportune at a juncture so important, not only to our institutions, but to the cause of humanity and civil liberty at large. Identified with no partial division of our collective and universal Democracy, whether from the influence of sectional or other interests-removed, equally from participation, and from disposition to participate, in any of the internal quarrels by which the harmony of our counsels has been of late so unhappily distracted—and animated solely by an engrossing zeal in the maintenance of the benign principles and wise policy of our party-we may certainly, if any one, be allowed to claim a position entitling us to the candid and friendly attention of all of its temporarily disordered sections. From all quarters of the United States, inquiries have constantly reached us, touching the unhappy dissension which has broken out in our ranks. We have deliberately forborne replying to the latest moment, in the earnest hope that personal bickerings and local interests, when brought by their noisy clamor before the eyes of the whole country, would shrink back from scrutiny, and digest in silence and retirement their spleen and discontent. But to our regret time has not brought reflection with it, and the family quarrel which for some months past has occasionally betrayed angry symptoms of its pent-up fury, has at last broken out into open and resolute rebellion. In such an emergency, notions of prudence, of delicacy, or of sorrow, should no longer restrain us; and we think it due to our position as the sole national expositor of the great principles of the Democratic party-to our character for a disinterested and consistent support of those principles, and lastly, to the numberless and anxious inquiries which we have alluded to above-we think it due, we repeat, to enter upon a calm investigation of this domestic dispute, and to give our impartial judgment upon it. The chief point to be ascertained is simply this, the motives of the parties who have become such conspicuous actors in the matter; who have taken upon themselves the serious responsibility of a schism, which, if it fail, involve them necessarily in political ruin and personal discredit, and which, should it succeed-God forbid !-would plunge our great and happy country into the fiery furnace of a desolating feud, whose entire consequences it is impossible to foresee, and the patriotic mind forbears to regard. What are the motives, then, of the leaders of the seceding fragment of the Democratic party, known under the slang term of " Barnburners?" What is the meaning of all this "fuss and pother" which frights the state from her propriety? Is it an honest protestation founded on principle, or is it an artful manoeuvre suggested by personal interest; is it a bold and virtuous resistance to party tyranny, or is it an insidious and unprincipled pursuit of selfish projects; is it an enlightened stand for principle, or is it a slavish devotion to men? These are grave questions, and we should deem ourselves altogether unworthy to approach them, if we could allow ourselves to be guided for a moment by an unfair spirit of personal or party animosity in their consideration. We disdain with indignation so ungenerous a suspicion; but let our words and tone be the test of our truth. Martin Van Buren is a well-known name, such as we have delighted in the past to honor. We can scarce believe our eyes when we behold it inscribed on the banner of revolt, and flaunted about as a watchword of rebellion. We are inclined to doubt our senses, and believe rather that we are the victim of some frightful hallucination-the prey of a disordered fancy. Is it a "goblin damned" that haunts us, or, alas! can it be true, that the war-worn veterans of the Democratic ranks have at last turned round, deserted their faith, and abandoned their allegiance? We are instinctively disposed from habit to speak with due respect of so distinguished a man, and would that, under the painful circumstances of the case, we could avoid speaking of him at all. But on him, not us, be the blame of our language; the fault is his, if any other than habitual sentiments of respect escape our lips. In illustration of the present schism, we may inquire what has been the course of Mr. Van Buren in relation to the matter he now sets forth as a principle? Of all the public men who have risen to high honors, Mr. Van Buren has been indebted the least to merit and the most to party management. In 1812, Mr. Madison was presented by the Democracy of the Union as the antagonist of Great Britain and the supporter of the war. He was opposed by Mr. Van Buren, who went with the Federalism of New-England for another candidate. Mr. Van Buren went with a New-York faction, as he does now. The result showed how abortive his efforts were, for Mr. Madison was sustained without the vote of New-York. The scheme of state politics devised by him in 1821, through which he controlled New-York, and holding in his hands the electoral votes of this state, dictated to the Union, is still a subject of admiration and theme of praise to those followers who look upon party trickery as statesmanship, and who regard skill in legerdemain as praiseworthy as great learning in the sciences. Party centralization at Albany, controlling offices as well as safety-fund bank charters, presidents, cashiers and directors, in all the counties, formed machinery which set every man's face towards Albany like a political Mecca, and working this machinery gave Mr. Van Buren his title to national honors. When before the people of the Union in a national capacity, no man was more solicitous to preserve the integrity of the Democratic party, or more subservient to slavery, in order to propitiate to the votes of the south, than was Mr. Van Buren. The interests of the regency, with its large influence in the national party, was to preserve harmony, and all discussion that in any way jeopardised that harmony was instantly frowned down. In 1826, during the contest between Spain and her provinces, Mexico and Colombia meditated the invasion of Cuba, with the view of emancipating the slaves of that island. This naturally alarmed the south, and Mr. Van Buren put himself forward as their champion. He addressed |