MARCH 11, 1830.] The Tariff. [H. of R. outfit of a ship, it is for the interest of our merchant to 1830, 1831, and 1832, will, if all the present restrictions refit and equip his ship abroad. continue, show a fearful falling off in the item of national This material, used by the distiller, is as much the pro-wealth and strength. duce of our soil as the whiskey which the farmer gets in The loss of a hundred thousand tons of shipping, though exchange for his grain, the produce of his soil. We ex-it will involve many individuals in ruin, and will be felt by change our lumber, which is the fruit of our labor, for the whole community, is not the greatest loss. Every ton molasses; and without this exchange the whole of our in- of our shipping that is withdrawn from a foreign trade, is dustry engaged in this branch of business must stop. In immediately supplied by foreign tonnage. The moment the prosecution of this trade, the grain grower is more we cease to supply, others take our place. The channels benefited than he can be by making his grain into whis- of trade are changed--we become less important to the key; for, while the lumberman and the millman are en- comfort and prosperity of those dependant on us for supplies gaged in procuring and manufacturing the outward cargo, -new associations are formed, which will not be so easy the mariner in transporting it to market, and bringing for us to break up-and the markets that gave employ to home the return cargo, the distiller in converting it into our labor and our commerce may be gone from us forever. rum, and the mariner again exporting this rum abroad, It is much easier for us to retain the trade while we they, and the ship carpenter, and their dependants, are, have it in our hands, than to regain it after we have abanof necessity, consumers of the grain raised by other hands. doned it to our commercial competitors. Our distillers Some of this industry has been diverted already by the must transfer their capital and men to the West Indies. operation of the tariff, and been turned to raising grain; Our ship carpenters will be dispersed, many of them and unless you restore this drawback, a still greater num- driven to British provinces, and the residue of them to ber will be forced from their accustomed employments, other pursuits--they can no longer take and instruct apand, as their only alternative, must go to foreign countries, prentices; there will be no longer a corps of young men or become agriculturists: and, instead of effecting the coming annually on the stage to fill the place of their ingreat object for which we started, to draw off numbers structors--and when we shall be convinced of our errofrom agricultural pursuits, and increase the demand for neous policy, and would retrace our steps, we shall find a agricultural products, our legislation will have exactly the vast amount of skill and capital forever lost to our country. contrary effect. Such is the connexion and dependan- Gentlemen who were in favor of the tariff of 1828, who cies of commerce and agriculture on each other, that any think every interest of the country should be subservient check or embarrassment thrown upon the one, is inevita- to a few classes of our manufacturers, if they would look bly felt by the other. Our commerce first felt the tariff to the permanent interest of those they are so zealous to of 1828: it bore hard on this important branch of our protect, would be the last to oppose this, or any other wealth, industry, and strength, from the very day of its operation; and, now when commerce is sinking under this load, agriculture begins to feel the blow. Some of the shackles on our commerce must be taken off, and this drawback, trifling as it may seem, will save to the nation thousands of tons of shipping, if not millions of capital. Freight, we all admit, is the soul and life of commerce; and it is our duty, while we regard its prosperity, to give pose such a revision--that they would be willing to smooth every facility to multiply freights at home, and to obtain them abroad. Grant this drawback, and you give to your vessels additional freights, by making a valuable article of export of your imports. And as it will enable you to increase your imports in this trade of exchange, so it will greatly increase your original export, and in all its operations infuse new life into this depressed trade. measure that would relieve and aid other equally important branches of national industry. If they feel conscious that these manufacturers can, with a fair protection, sustain themselves, and wish such protection to be any thing like permanent, they ought now to come forward and advocate a revision of that tariff. I did hope and expect that the friends of that measure would come forward and pro off some of its hard and sharp points, which so injuriously affect a large portion of the community without benefiting any. That, now while they have the power, they would show mercy, and not risk the whole by an unyielding defence of such of its provisions as are admitted by all candid men to be ruinous, oppressive, and absurd. I know, when I speak of permanent protection, that we cannot, by our acts, bind those who succeed us, but I As I before observed, while we have any commerce also know, that whatever is done in a spirit of fairness, left, we must make up our cargoes to suit the wants of mutual concession, and compromise, is much more likely our customers. And the only question is, whether you to be lasting, than that which is effected by mere force of will allow our own citizens to exchange what is of little numbers. or no value to us, for articles of foreign growth, and, after An inquiry is now going on among the people, that doubling the value of the foreign product by the labor of will bring this country to a right result--an inquiry that our manufacturer, allow it to be sent out of the country, cannot be stifled, stopped, or diverted. It is an inquiry or compel us to abandon this trade, and our merchants to each man is making of himself. What have I gained-purchase the goods of the foreign manufacturer, and pay what has my neighbor gained--what has the country for foreign labor. gained, by these restrictions? The answer is uniform, depression, loss, embarrassment, and, in too many cases, bankruptcy and utter ruin. And the result of this inquiry will, ere long, be felt on this floor. The commerce of a country is not built up or destroyed in a day. Pass what acts you will, even lay an embargo, and your tonnage account will not show much decrease the first or second year; for where commerce can sustain The very interests most clamorous for aid have sunk itself, new tonnage is constantly building to supply the under the weight of the protection granted them. So loss by decay and the loss at sea; and a restrictive act, peculiarly inconsistent are the provisions of the tariff of while it will detain your tonnage in port, and thereby les- 1828 with its intention, that foreign labor and foreign sen the risk of the sea, will not prevent the increase of manufacturers are protected and benefited by it, while our new tonnage, the building of which commenced before the passage of the restrictive act. The tariff of 1828 has produced but a small decrease of tonnage in the year 1829; for the contracts for vessels were made before the If it is expedient to oppress ourselves with these enorpassage of that law, and vessels once begun were from mous taxes--if it is determined to force a surplus of milnecessity completed. If they remained in the stocks par- lions annually into the treasury, over and above its wants, tially finished, all was lost--if completed and launched, let us at least see that all bear something like an equal a part was saved. But our tonnage account for the years proportion of the burden. Above all, let us make the own labor and our own mechanics are taxed and oppressed, and many important branches of our own industry suspended or destroyed. H. of R.] The Tariff. [MARCH 11, 1830. burden as light for our own citizens as we do for the fo- either in the original packages, or around the cotton bale, reigner. This is all I ask for the American distiller. 1 to any foreign country.' request no exclusive privilege to the injury of any of our Mr. POLK said, in offering this amendment, he did not citizens--no tax on any class of labor-I only ask that intend to indulge in any general discussion of the princi you will place our own citizens on as good a footing as ples of the tariff. A very few remarks in explanation of you have the foreigner-that you will extend to them the the reasons which had induced him to offer it, was all that same privileges you grant the foreigner-that this branch he then deemed necessary. The resolution of the gen of national industry may not be absolutely destroyed. tleman from Maine proposes to instruct the Committee of I fear, sir, that the commercial interest of this country Ways and Means to bring in a bill to allow a drawback of is not a subject of even secondary consideration with this nine cents per gallon upon the exportation of rum dis House; still I do hope that it will receive so far our con- tilled in the United States from foreign molasses. The sideration, that we shall not refuse to extend to it relief, reason given why this would be proper, is, that the nar when by so doing we injure no other interest of the coun- gating interest of the East, as well as the manufacturer of try. And if we regard our navy, and expect it to sustain spirits from this foreign material intended for exportation, the character it has already acquired, we must turn more were oppressively burdened by the imposition of a duty of our attention to the merchant service. We must aid of ten cents per gallon, imposed by the tariff of 1828, on and sustain our commerce, or our appropriations for the the exportation of foreign molasses. If this be a satisfic navy are worse than thrown away. We have yearly ex- tory reason why a drawback should be allowed upon thus pended millions to repair, sustain, and increase our naval article, then he thought it could be clearly shown that, establishment; and the same Congress that appropriates upon the same principle, a drawback should be allowed millions to build additional ships of war, passes acts on the exportation of foreign cotton bagging wrapped that must and will sweep the decks of their ships of Ame- around the cotton bale. The two articles stand upon the rican seamen. It is in vain to build the ship, while we are same principle, and he could see no reason for allowing destroying the means of manning her. Shall we profit drawback in one case and refusing it in the other. Foreign nothing from the disasters of others? Have we not in the molasses, upon their importation into the United States, French navy an example, showing us that ships are but were subject to pay a duty under the present tariff of ten built for the enemy, unless you have the sailors to line cents per gallon. The molasses were distilled in this their sides? Better ships never floated than the French country into spirits, and in that state exported to foreign ships of war, and braver artillerists could not be found countries for market. The gentleman from Maine prothan were put on board of them; but they were as posed, upon the exportation of the spirits thus made from sure a prize to the English sailor as he came alongside molasses, to allow a drawback of nine cents per gallon, of them. Yet, sir, it is gravely proposed to man our navy leaving in the treasury one cent per gallon of the duty with landsmen, and two years' service as a marine, it is levied upon the importation of the molasses, to defray, said, will make a prime sailor. Why, sir, I do not believe he supposed, the incidental expenses and charges at the that twenty years' service would make a sailor out of a ma- custom-house. Now, did not the article of cotton bagging rine, unless he was first a sailor. If you mean to have prime stand precisely upon the same principle? That article, sailors, you must encourage your merchant service, and be- upon its importation into the United States, was charged gin with the boy-enure him to the ocean when young, and with a duty, under the tariff of 1828, of five cents per when he grows up your flag will float safely in every sea, square yard. When it was received in this country, it while your ship has a crew of such seamen to man and was used almost exclusively by the cotton planter in baling defend her. Remove the useless and oppressive restric- and preparing his cotton for market. It was again extions and burdens now imposed on our commerce; give to ported wrapped around the cotton. It was not consumed our merchants the protection enjoyed by those with whom in the country any more than the molasses distilled into they have to compete on the ocean, and our merchant ser- spirits and exported were. His proposition was to allow vice will raise and support in time of peace a corps of sea- to the cotton planter, upon the exportation of his cotton men, who will sustain, if they cannot increase, the reputa. bales, a drawback of four and a half cents per square tion of our navy in time of war. yard on the bagging with which his cotton was wrap This resolution, if adopted, will be of more substantial, ped for market, leaving in the treasury half a cent per permanent benefit to our navy, than all the ships of war square yard of the duty originally paid upon its importayou will build these ten years. It will go to sustain that tion. The East, or at least a portion of the East, combranch of our commerce, which, more than any other, plained that the duty on molasses was onerous, so much causes the boy to embark on the ocean, and to these boys so, that it prevented its distillation into New England rum we must look to sustain our reputation as a naval power. for exportation, and thereby affected the shipping inte Sir, I will not longer trespass on the time of the House. rest; and that, therefore, a drawback of the duty should The proposition is so plain a one, that I am perhaps hardly be allowed upon exportation. The South might, with justified in consuming the time I already have taken up. equal reason, at least, complain that the duty of five cents If we mean any thing by saying we are disposed to en- per square yard on cotton bagging was an onerous and courage domestic industry--if we are willing to place unnecessary tax upon the cotton planter; that, in conse our citizens, our own manufacturers, on the same ground quence of it, he was compelled to pay five cents per square we have placed the foreign manufacturer, we shall not re-yard more for his cotton bagging, than he would have to fuse to adopt this resolution. pay if the duty was not levied; and that, therefore, upon I ask gentlemen, if they are prepared to say to our citi- the same principle, a drawback should be allowed to him zens, if you will renounce your allegiance to this country, upon the exportation of that article. If a drawback upon take your capitol and workmen and go out to Cuba, estarum was allowed, New England would be relieved upon blish yourselves there, and become subjects of the King one item of the tariff, and could again, the gentleman from of Spain--we will give you the protection you ask; but if Maine has said, engage in the molasses and lumber trade. If you remain in this country, and continue to be a citizen, the drawback which he proposed on cotton bagging was alsubject to our laws, we will give you no relief. And this is what, by a rejection of this resolution, you will say to every American citizen. Mr. POLK moved to amend the resolution, by adding, "and to allow also a drawback of four and one-half cents per square yard on foreign cotton bagging, exported lowed, the effect would be, that the cotton planter could buy his cotton bagging for four and a half cents less per yard than he had now to pay for it. The only difference between the proposition contained in the resolution of the gentleman from Maine, and the amendment which he had offered, was, that the one was intended to relieve a portion of the MARCH 11, 1830.] The Tariff. [H. of R East, and the other a portion of the South and Southwest, this policy. In that State, the people felt the oppression from a very small portion of the oppressive and unequal and injustice of the system, but not perhaps to so great an operation of the present tariff system. He thought, extent as in the Southern States. They could live under therefore, that molasses and cotton bagging, however any system; but they could live better without this restrictive strange the association might seem to be, should not be se policy, than with it. The great body of our people were parated so far as the proposition of drawbacks was con- planters; many of them were cotton planters-in a great cerned. As the object was to reduce duties on one for part of the State, cotton was our principal staple for marthe benefit of one section, a correspondent reduction ket. But, at the same time, we had a fresh and fertile should be made on the other, for the benefit of another country, abundant in all those productions necessary to section. This was but even-handed justice, and he was sustain a dense population. This was not the case in some willing to refer both propositions to the Committee of of the more Southern States. We [said he] can produce Ways and Means together. any article, and in as great abundance, too, that Kentucky A drawback upon cotton bagging exported around the can; and our climate enables us to produce cotton, which cotton bale stood, too, upon the same principle precisely could not be grown in Kentucky. We could grow hemp as the drawback now allowed by law upon pickled fish, as well as Kentucky; and if driven to it by high taxes imcured with foreign salt, exported for market, stood. There posed by the tariff policy, we could, and were beginning was not the slightest difference. Upon the importation even now to make a part of the cotton bagging necessary of foreign salt, it was subject to pay a duty of twenty for our own consumption. It would promote our interest if cents per bushel; but if the salt was used in curing or the taxes generally imposed by the tariff were reduced, and pickling fish for market abroad, the duty paid upon the we could procure this and other articles, necessary for our salt upon its importation was paid back to the exporter consumption, at less prices. In his judgment the inteof the fish in the shape of drawback. Indeed, by the rest of Kentucky, too, would be promoted by a general redrawback allowed upon the exportation of pickled fish, duction of the taxes imposed by the tariff. He had never the East was the only portion of the Union which did not been able to perceive what interest Kentucky could have, feel the effects of the enormous duty now imposed on im- any more than Tennessee, in favoring the protecting poliported salt. An attempt had been made, at the present cy. Her supposed interest in the article of cotton bagsession, to reduce the duty on salt, but we had seen that a ging was, he was persuaded, more ideal than real. majority of the House would not even permit an inquiry He was, [he said] upon principle, opposed to the whole to go to one of our standing committees of the House, system of the protecting policy called the tariff; but, as he but had voted the proposition down upon its first intro- had said in the outset of his remarks, he would not now duction. He would [he said] have preferred a direct re- go into the general discussion of the question. He had peal of the duty on cotton bagging, to the drawback. submitted this single proposition at this time, because it He had offered the amendment in the shape of a draw-rested, as he had endeavored to show, upon the same prinback, only because the original proposition was in that ciple with that offered by the gentleman from Maine; shape. The effect of the one or the other would be very and because, if the friends of the system would not now nearly the same. modify it generally upon the principle of mutual concesNo duty was ever imposed on the importation of foreign sion and compromise, between conflicting interests of difcotton bagging until the tariff of 1824 was passed. At ferent sections, they would, he trusted, agree to alleviate that time a tax of three and three-quarter cents per square the oppressive operations of some of its details. He imyard was imposed. By the tariff of 1828, it was increas-plored the friends of this system in this Congress, to coned to five cents per square yard. And for whose benefit, sider deliberately the present excited and agitated state for the advancement of what interest, or rather to whose of the country upon this subject; to give a listening ear to prejudice, was this tax imposed? It was intended, it was the long neglected complaints of the suffering South, and said, to furnish a market in the Southern States for the alleviate their burdens. He appealed to them to know Kentucky bagging, by excluding the importation of the if it was not for the permanent interest of all sections to foreign article. Has this been the effect? Directly the re-modify the system and quiet the public mind. By adoptverse. In the Southern States, the planter was still coming the single proposition he had offered, they would, he pelled to buy the foreign cotton bagging, burdened as it knew, go but one step towards effecting so desirable an was with this heavy tax. The foreign article was still al-object, but it would be some manifestation of a disposimost exclusively used in a great portion of the Southern tion, on the part of the majority in this Congress, to afford States. Not a bale, he understood, of the Kentucky bag- at least some alleviation. ging was ever carried to some of the Southern States for Mr. MALLARY said, he was fully aware, that, whenmarket, because it would not bear the land transportation ever the tariff, in any shape, came before the House, much so great a distance. This duty, therefore, had not, and excitement prevailed. Whatever might be the tendency could not benefit the Kentucky manufacturer, in those of the subject itself to produce this effect, he was deterStates to which his bagging was never carried to market; mined that no excitement should be justly chargeable to and, if it did, it would be unjust. It was a useless and any observations or remarks he might be required to oppressive tax upon the Southern planter, and never ought make. As to the resolution introduced by the honorable to have been imposed. Why keep on a tax that operates gentleman from Maine, [Mr. ANDERSON] Mr. M. said he thus oppressively upon the South? He knew that this would make a brief remark. It requires the Committee was but one small item in the general system of restric-of Ways and Means to bring in a bill to allow a drawback tive policy, adopted by the tariff of 1828; and if this Con- on spirits distilled from molasses, when exported. It is gress were determined not to do more, he trusted they well known that this subject was discussed, considered, and would knock off, in the language of the gentleman from decided in 1828. Congress determined that no drawback Maine, some of the rough corners of this system, and at should be allowed. It is also well known that he was opleast modify some of its detail. He had hoped, at the com-posed to that decision at the time. He believed that the efmencement of this session, to see a disposition, on the part fects would be injurious to some interests, and beneficial to of the friends of this policy, to meet the oppressed and suf- none. But the House, after the fullest consideration, in its wisfering South, at least, on middle ground, and modify and re-dom determined otherwise. A majority decided that sound move, at least, some of the burdens of which they complain. policy, the prevention of frauds on the revenue, the proThe State, [said he] from which he came, might be said motion of the agricultural interest, required the drawback to be situated upon middle ground, between the conflict- should not be allowed. It was thus fixed: it was thus seting interest of the East and of the South, growing out of tled. No reason is now offered for a repeal, that was not fully VOL. VI.-77 H. of R.] The Tariff. [MARCH 11, 1830. urged against the passage. It was as well understood then as most iniquitous and untenable. The facts bear me out in now. No changes have taken place which were not fully this assertion; they are incontrovertible. I repeat now anticipated. Unless a general understanding prevailed to what I said in 1828, when the tariff was under discussion. make the change without involving any other provision of I told gentlemen they might impose the additional duty on the tariff, he was in favor of no alteration. If a general bagging, but they could not justify it on their own princi disposition did exist to make the proposed change, the ples or pretences. They did not attempt to answer the proposition of the gentleman from Maine would probably arguments urged against the increase of duty, yet they have his support. passed it, for the same reason they would have passed any But [said Mr. M.] what is the consequence? What im other amendment, the operation of which would have been mediately follows? The proposition of the gentleman from the advancement of certain portions of this Union, at the Tennessee, [Mr. POLK.] Mr. M. said he had been in fa- expense of other parts of it. Yes, sir, there was something vor of the duty on cotton bagging. He had supported that due to the West for its loyalty to this idol, nicknamed the duty for the purpose of affording aid to an important do- "American system;" and those who were disposed to remestic manufacture. The reasons for imposing that duty ward idolatry, bestowed their blessing, in the form of an certainly sustain it at the present time. There is no increased duty on bagging. Orit may be that some were change in the necessity or policy. In establishing a gene-disposed to punish those who consume the bagging, on ral tariff, it could not have been reasonably expected that account of certain very obnoxious votes given on other every branch of industry would derive all the aid that was parts of the tariff bill. Of such, we ask nothing; and to anticipated. The manufacturers of the coarsest kind of such, we have no concessions to make. The course we wool complain. No doubt some had been injured. He pursued on that subject, has been admitted to be legitihad been urged to attempt to obtain some change in the mate in legislation: I will not say since its commencement, duty on that raw material. At the time of the passage but certainly since our acquaintance with it. How far of that tariff, he was opposed to that duty on such wool their supposed course (he would not charge it on them, as was not produced in the United States. A majority of he might do them injustice) can be sustained by princi Congress considered that the duty ought to be imposed. ple, he would not now stop to inquire. It was done. He would let it remain. Many were opposed to the dollar minimum. The effects were pointed out. It was fully examined and adopted. He was unwilling to disturb it. Many were opposed to the additional duty on molasses. A majority decided otherwise. He was opposed to a change. The whole tariff system is, and must be, founded on a liberal compromise among the numberless interests of this extended country. In passing the tariff of 1828, they were all consulted. It was passed on that ground. Without a just and liberal compromise, no law, involving a variety of the great interests of the country, could ever be adopted. He had no doubt the tariff of 1828 had operated in general most beneficially. But its benefits will be greatly diminished, if not wholly destroyed, by perpetual agitation. Continual attempts to change its details, before its effects are fully developed, will do a thousand times more injury than all the benefits anticipated from any proposed alteration. It was due to all whose interests were dependant on the policy of their Government, to be allowed some little repose--not to be continually alarmed for their safety. He could not consent to the proposed alterations. It is charged against the South [continued Mr. M.] that we are too easily excited. Have they not sufficient cause to be excited? Do not their first and last dollar find their way to Northern pockets, without even touching at your treasury? And what produces this state of things but the great scheme of depredation, of which this subject forms but a small part? It would be out of order, sir, to go into a discussion of the whole tariff; if it were not, he could tell gentlemen why they were excited by reciting the misdeeds of this House. He hoped, however, an opportunity would occur, when he could not be restrained in the discharge of a duty he held sacred. What claim has the manufacturer of bagging to the protection of Government? What are their numbers, the amount of capital invested, or the product of their factories, no one will pretend to assert. It is carried on to a very moderate extent in Kentucky; it is still more limited in New Jersey; he knew of no other establishments, though possibly there may be some on a small scale in Ohio or Tennessee. So little claim has the manufacture of this ar ticle on the protection of the Government, that it cannot be justified even on the doctrines of the most absurd, preMr. MARTIN, of South Carolina, said, this proposition posterous, and extravagant advocates of the tariff. A new to allow a drawback on cotton bagging, had come on very scheme must be organized, and new theories must be unexpectedly. It was one he would not have made, and manufactured, to give protection to this article the color he did not believe it would have been proposed by any of or semblance of plausibility. his colleagues. It is a small, a very small business, [said It is important to the interest and prosperity of the nahe] compared with the great drama in which they wished tion, say gentlemen, that her supplies should be drawn to take a part. But, as it had been made, he should offer from her own resources. And pray, sir, [asked Mr. M.] no apology for intruding himself on the House. It would what has the nation, as a nation or a Government, to do with be expected, he presumed, that he should say something; but, independently of that expectation, he obeyed the suggestions of feelings and duty, in the course he was about to pursue. It must be admitted [he said] that the gentleman who has offered this amendment, occupies neutral ground; he stands between the manufacturers and those they would make the consumers of their bagging. He cannot be looked on in any other light than as one wholly disinterested; and so far as his object be to relieve the South of the least of its oppressions, it was, and should be, properly appreciated. the growth of cotton, or the manufacture of bagging? A small portion of your Southern Atlantic States only grow cotton, and no others can grow it. They have not asked your protection or your aid in any shape: they deprecate your interference with their concerns as an officicus, intermeddling, and an unconstitutional exercise of authority given you for other purposes. If they are content to re ceive foreign bagging as they have done, and pay for it with their own money, not with funds subtracted from the Middle or Northern States, by what authority do others interpose, or for what purposes? Not for national purHowever unpleasant it was to some gentlemen who poses, for it is not a national affair-not for our benefit, for hear me, [said he] I shall feel bound to tell them some you do us positive injustice and injury. I was wrong, sir, solid truths. I shall call things by their right names, when I said the cotton business was not a national affair. even in this discussion on what all must consider as only It has been made so of late by the pernicious legislation introductory to what we will lay before the people of this of this House. It is the first and greatest resource of the nation if we may be allowed. Of all the duties imposed Government in paying its debts, and supporting its civil list, by your tariff, sir, [said Mr. M.] that on bagging is the and sustaining all its institutions. Yet the great and lead MARCH 11, 1830.] The Tariff. [H. of R. ing object of gentlemen in this House is so to embarrass perhaps, some claim to a share in the scheme, as an equiits culture, and obstruct its transportation to a foreign valent for the service they had rendered. How far the market, as to compel us to suffer it to be manufactured at people of Kentucky have been benefited by the drawing home; and this is what they call a "home market." Yes, of this lottery, is a question upon which they have not sir, by paralysing the industry of the South, and obliterat- been very communicative. ing its capital, the market of the United States, any part of which is glutted by a single ship's cargo, and which consumes at most not more than one hundred and fifty thousand bags per annum, is to be converted into a market for the whole product of the United States, which now averages seven hundred thousand bags! And do gentlemen really expect us to submit to such a state of things, without being "excited?" If they do, they know less of us than we had supposed. Trifling, sir, as this duty may appear, it is one of the highest among your imposts. The duty is five cents on the square yard, but the width of bagging makes it about six cents the running yard. This, as an ad valorem duty, will vary from thirty to fifty per cent. The revenue collected by the Government in South Carolina on this duty alone, is more than all the taxes paid for the State Government, if you exclude that collected on a particular species of property: and it is nearly one-fourth of all collected To sustain the proposition I have just stated, as one on from every source of taxation for State purposes. And which the advocates of the restrictive (I might say the for what purpose is this extortion practised? For the pronon-intercourse) system rely, they tell you it follows as a tection of the manufacturer of Kentucky? No, sir; I have consequence, that the interest of a few, or of one parti- shown he is not benefited by it. Is it to pay your pubcular section, must yield to that policy which promotes lic debt? No, sir; the design most prevalent is to divert the general good. He denied the application of any such the funds of the Government from that purpose. Is it doctrine in a Government like ours, except it be on those levied for the support of your Government and its institusubjects upon which the power to legislate has been con- tions? No one will pretend that such is the object. With ferred on Congress. But, without discussing that ques- what view, then, in the name of justice, was it originally tion now, it was easy to show the absurdity of pretending imposed, or is it now continued? It was first used, sir, as to apply such a rule to the impost laid on bagging. No, a punishment for the pertinacious resistance of the South, sir, it is the converse of the proposition which was enforc- and is now continued as a fit source from which to coned when this duty was laid. Kentucky alone manufactures struct roads and canals. I have said this much in relation -for the rest are not sufficiently extensive to be mention- to the imposition of this duty and its operation. I will now ed--while there are no less than eight States who con- speak of the amendment, proposing to allow the drawsume, not her manufactures, but the European fabric, if back on bagging re-exported, whether in bolts or around they can be allowed to do so: and to four of those States, the cotton. What do we understand by a drawback? It it is a fact known to all, that the article from Kentucky is paying to the shipper, by the Government, whenever cannot find its way. It can neither bear transportation he exports a foreign article, the same or a lesser duty than over the mountains, or down the Mississippi, and thence, that received when the article was imported into the counthrough the Gulf of Mexico and around the coast of Flo- try. It has for its justification satisfactory reasons; it is not rida, to the Southern Atlantic States, at a price which will the policy of the Government to retain the duty on an arenable the holder to bring it into competition with foreign ticle which is neither used or consumed; and the repayment bagging. No one, however extravagant in support of the of the duty is often an inducement to reship the article, thus tariff, or any branch of it, will deny these facts. One who giving employment and activity to capital, and aiding in the has not devoted some attention to the subject, could navigation and commercial operations of the country. Anoscarcely believe that such a state of things existed in any ther and important feature in this policy is, that when an arpart of this country. But the worst has not yet been told. ticle is imported, and manufactured or converted into a The gentleman from Kentucky, [Mr. CLARK] OR whose different fabric, and re-exported, by paying back the duty, proposition this duty was increased in 1828, was himself encouragement has been afforded to the carrier, the capiexamined before the Committee on Manufactures; and talist, and the domestic industry of the country. These, from his evidence it will be seen that the factories in Ken- I take it, are the grounds of the policy. Where the matucky already make better bagging than is imported, and terial is exported in its original state, there are few or no that unless the crop of hemp be short, which compels the facilities for committing frauds: nor are these to be appremanufacturer to give a high price for the raw material, hended, with the guards adopted, even where the article they can drive the foreign fabric out of the New Orleans has changed its character. Salt pays a duty of twenty market, or at least they can procure a better price than cents on every fifty-six pounds; yet, on the exportation of is paid for foreign bagging. Here, then, facts are at war fish packed in foreign salt, the duty on salt is repaid to the with theory, and principle abandoned in practice. Who, exporter of the fish. Bagging is imported, and pays a sir, that has ever heard or read three distinct sentences, specific duty. It is used for packing cotton, and immewritten or spoken by a manufacturer, or an advocate of diately re-exported. Is not the analogy so striking as to the tariff, will not recollect that one of those sentences be irresistible? If there be any distinction, is it not in faconsisted of a declaration that, if you would protect their vor of allowing the drawback on bagging? Both are imfactories until they passed from infancy to maturity, and ported, and the duties paid. One is used in consummatobtained possession of the market, they would ask it no ing the enterprise and industry of the fisherman, the other longer? Then it was a millennium was to be produced in the in preserving the fruits and labor of the agriculturist. Both commercial, manufacturing, and agricultural world. Yet, are necessary to the objects in view, and both seek a fowith the capital, and all other facilities to make a better reign market. fabric, and in the possession of the market, to the exclu Thus far the claims of the two articles to a drawback sion of foreign bagging, the factories of Kentucky were are equal, unless, indeed, the agriculturist, the husbandto be protected-I will not say it was no protection, but man, who gives life and vigor to all our pursuits, be less they were to have a bounty; it is nothing less than a boun- entitled to the favor and protection of the Government ty, let others call it by what name they may. With the than the fisherman, whose claims, by the bye, it is not my possession of the New Orleans market, and wholly unable purpose to undervalue. But here the claim to a drawto reach the Atlantic markets, who can be so rash as to at- back on the bagging rises superior, because, by reason of tempt a justification of this duty? But the manufacturers its identity, it affords fewer facilities for the commission of Kentucky are scarcely blamable. It was a day appro- of frauds on the revenue. It is imported in bolts, and unpriated to the distribution of Southern capital and South-dergoes no change, except that of being cut into pieces ern labor, by a species of legislative lottery, and they had, of four or five yards, and made into bags for the reception |