JAN. 20, 1830.]

1819.

Of the first class, the most important was the ces- time into the Union, with all the rights belonging to other sion by Virginia, of all her right and title, as well of soil States. Second, that the lands should form a common as jurisdiction, to all the territory within the limits of her fund, to be disposed of for the general benefit of all the charter, lying to the Northwest of the river Ohio. It may States. Third, that they should be sold and settled, at not be ill-timed to recur to the causes and occasions of such time and in such manner as Congress should direct. this and the other similar grants. Now, sir, it is plain that Congress never has been, and When the war of the Revolution broke out, a great is no: now, at liberty to disregard these solemn conditions. difference existed in different States in the proportion For the fulfilment of all these trusts, the public faith was, between people and Territory. The Northern and East- and is, fully pledged. How, then, would it have been ern States, with very small surfaces, contained compara- possible for Congress, if it had been so disposed, to give tively a thick population, and there was generally within away these public lands? How could they have followed their limits, no great quantity of waste lands belonging to the example of other Governments, if there had been the Government, or the Crown of England. On the con- such, and considered the conquest of the wilderness an trary, there were in the Southern States, in Virginia and equivalent compensstion for the soil? The States had in Georgia for example, extensive public domains, wholly looked to this territory, perhaps too sanguinely, as a fund unsettled and belonging to the Crown. As these pos-out of which means were to come to defray the expenses sessions would necessarily fall from the crown, in the event of the war. It had been received as a fund--as a fund of a prosperous issue of the war, it was insisted that they Congress had bound itself to apply it. To have given it ought to devolve on the United States, for the good of the away, would have defeated all the objects which Conwhole. The war, it was argued, was undertaken, and gress, and particular States, had had in view, in asking carried on, at the common expense of all the colonies; its and obtaining the cession, and would have plainly violated benefits, if successful, ought also to be common; and the the conditions which the ceding States attached to their property of the common enemy, when vanquished, ought own grants.

to be regarded as the general acquisition of all. While The gentleman admits that the lands cannot be given yet the war was raging, it was contended that Congress away until the national debt is paid, because, to a part of ought to have the power to dispose of vacant and unpatent- that debt they stand pledged. But this is not the original ed lands commonly called Crown lands, for defraying the pledge. There is, so to speak, an earlier mortgage. Beexpenses of the war, and for other public and general pur- fore the debt was funded, at the moment of the cession of poses. "Reason and justice," said the Assembly of New Jer-the lands, and by the very terms of that cession, every sey, in 1778, "must decide, that the property which existed State in the Union obtained an interest in them, as in a comin the Crown of Great Britain, previous to the present Revo- mon fund. Congress has uniformly adhered to this conlution, ought now to belong to Congress, in trust for the dition. It has proceeded to sell the lands, and to realize use and benefit of the United States. They have fought as much from them as was compatible with the other trusts and bled for it, in proportion to their respective abilities, created by the same deeds of cession. One of these deeds and therefore the reward ought not to be predilectionally of trust, as I have already said, was, that the lands should distributed. Shall such States as are shut out, by situation, be sold and settled, "at such time and manner as Congress from availing themselves of the least advantage from this shall direct." The Government has always felt itself quarter, be left to sink under an enormous debt, whilst bound, in regard to sale and settlement, to exercise its own others are enabled, in a short period, to replace all their best judgment, and not to transfer the discretion to others. expenditures from the hard earnings of the whole con- It has not felt itself at liberty to dispose of the soil, therefederacy?" fore, in large masses, to individuals, thus leaving to them Moved by these considerations, and these addresses, the time and manner of settlement. It had stipulated to Congress took up the subject, and in September, use its own judgment. If, for instance, in order to rid it1780, recommended to the several States in the Union, self of the trouble of forming a system for the sale of those having claims to Western Territory, to make liberal ces-lands, and going into detail, it had sold the whole of what sions of a portion thereof to the United States; and on is now Ohio, in one mass, to individuals, or companies, it the 10th of October, 1780, Congress resolved, "That any would clearly have departed from its just obligations. And lands, so ceded in pursuance of their preceding recom- who can now tell, or conjecture, how great would have mendation, should be disposed of for the common benefit been the evil of such a course? Who can say what misof the United States; should be settled and formed into chiefs would have ensued, if Congress had thrown these distinct republican States, to become members of the territories into the hands of private speculation? Or who, Federal Union, with the same rights of sovereignty, free- on the other hand, can now foresee what the event would dom, and independence, as the other States; and that the be, should the Government depart from the same wise lands should be granted or settled, at such times, and course hereafter, and, not content with such constant abunder such regulations, as should be agreed on by Con-sorption of the public lands as the natural growth of our gress." Again, in September, 1783, Congress passed an- population may accomplish, should force great portions of other resolution, expressing the conditions on which ces-them, at nominal or very low prices, into private hands, to sions from States should be received; and in October fol-be sold and settled, as and when such holders might think lowing, Virginia made her cession, reciting the resolution, would be most for their own interest? Hitherto, sir, I mainor act, of September preceding, and then transferring her tain Congress has acted wisely, and done its duty on this title to her Northwestern Territory to the United States, subject. I hope it will continue to do it. Departing from upon the express condition "that the lands, so ceded, should the original idea, so soon as it was found practicable and be considered as a common fund for the use and benefit of convenient, of selling by townships, Congress has dispos such of the United States as had become or should become ec of the soil in smaller and still smaller portions, till, at members of the confederation, Virginia inclusive, and length, it sells in parcels of no more than eighty acres ; should be faithfully and bona fide disposed of for that thus putting it into the power of every man in the counpurpose, and for no other use or purpose whatsoever." ty, however poor, but who has health and strength, to beThe grants from other States were on similar conditions.come a freeholder if he desires, not of barren acres, but of Massachusetts and Connecticut both had claims to western rich and fertile soil. The Government has performed all lands, and both relinquished them to the United States in the conditions of the grant. While it has regarded the the same manner. These grants were all made on three public lands as a common fund, and has sought to make substantial conditions or trusts: First, that the ceded ter-what reasonably could be made of them, as a source of reritories should be formed into States, and admitted in due venue, it has also applied its best wisdom to sell and settle

SENATE.]

Mr. Foot's Resolution.

[JAN. 20, 1830.

them, as fast and as happily as possible; and whensoever preserve it; and to be sundered whenever it shall be found numbers would warrant it, each territory has been succes- to thwart such purposes. Union, of itself, is considered sively admitted into the Union, with all the rights of an in- by the disciples of this school as hardly a good. It is only dependent State. Is there, then, sir, I ask, any well found-regarded as a possible means of good; or on the other hand, ed charge of hard dealing; any just accusation for negli- as a possible means of evil. They cherish no deep and fixgence, indifference, or parsimony, which is capable of be- ed regard for it, flowing from a thorough conviction of its ing sustained against the Government of the country, in absolute and vital necessity to our welfare. Sir, I depreits conduct towards the new States? Sir, I think there cate and deplore this tone of thinking and acting. I deem is not. far otherwise of the Union of the States; and so did the framers of the constitution themselves. What they said I believe; fully and sincerely believe, that the Union of the States is essential to the prosperity and safety of the States. I am a Unionist, and in this sense a National Republican. I would strengthen the ties that hold us together. Far, indeed, in my wishes, very far distant be the day, when our associated and fraternal stripes shall be severed asunder, and when that happy constellation under which we have risen to so much renown, shall be broken up, and be seen sinking, star after star, into obscurity and night!

But there was another observation of the honorable member, which, I confess, did not a little surprise me. As a reason for wishing to get rid of the public lands as soon as we could, and as we might, the honorable gentleman sail, he wanted no permanent sources of income. He wished to see the time when the Government should not possess a shilling of permanent revenue. If he could speak & magical word, and by that word convert the whole capitol into gold, the word should not be spoken. The administration of a fixed revenue, [he said] only consolidates the Government, and corrupts the people! Sir, I confess I heard these sentiments uttered on this floor not without deep regret and pain.

Among other things, the honorable member spoke of the public debt. To that he holds the public lands pledged, and has expressed his usual earnestness for its total I am aware that these, and similar opinions, are espous-discharge. Sir, I have always voted for every measure for ed by certain persons out of the capitol, and out of this reducing the debt, since I have been in Congress. I wish Government; but I did not expect so soon to find them it paid, because it is a debt; and, so far, is a charge upon here. Consolidation!--that perpetual cry, both of terror the industry of the country, and the finances of the Govand delusion-consolidation! Sir, when gentlemen speak ernment. But, sir, I have observed that, whenever the of the effects of a common fund, belonging to all the States, subject of the public debt is introduced into the Senate, a as having a tendency to consolidation, what do they mean? morbid sort of fervor is manifested in regard to it, which Do they mean, or can they mean, any thing more than that I have been sometimes at a loss to understand. The debt the Union of the States will be strengthened, by whatev- is not now large, and is in a course of most rapid reducer continues or furnishes inducements to the people of the tion. A very few years will see it extinguished. Now I States to hold together? If they mean merely this, then, am not entirely able to persuade myself that it is not cerno doubt, the public lands as well as every thing else in tain supposed incidental tendencies and effects of this debt, which we have a common interest, tends to consolidation; rather than its pressure and charge as a debt, that cause and to this species of consolidation every true American so much anxiety to get rid of it. Possibly it may be reought to be attached; it is neither more nor less than garded as in some degree a tie, holding the different parts strengthening the Union itself. This is the sense in which of the country together by considerations of mutual interthe framers of the constitution use the word consolidation; est. If this be one of its effects, the effect itself is, in my and in which sense I adopt and cherish it. They tell us, opinion, not to be lamented. Let me not be misunderin the letter submitting the constitution to the considera- stood. I would not continue the debt for the sake of any tion of the country, that, "in all our deliberations on this collateral or consequential advantage, such as I have mensubject, we kept steadily in our view that which appears tioned. I only mean to say, that that consequence itself to us the greatest interest of every true American--the con- is not one that I regret. At the same time, that if there solidation of our Union--in which is involved our prosperi- are others who would, or who do regret it, I differ from ty, felicity, safety; perhaps our national existence. This important consideration, seriously and deeply, impressed on our minds, led each State in the Convention to be less rigid, on points of inferior magnitude, than might have been otherwise expected."

them.

As I have already remarked, sir, it was one among the reasons assigned by the honorable member for his wish to be rid of the public lands altogether, that the public disposition of them, and the revenues derived from them, This, sir, is General Washington's consolidation. This tends to corrupt the people. This, sir, I confess, passes is the true constitutional consolidation. I wish to see no my comprehension. These lands are sold at public aucnew powers drawn to the General Government; but I con- tion, or taken up at fixed prices, to form farms and freefess I rejoice in whatever tends to strengthen the bond that holds. Whom does this corrupt? According to the sysunites us, and encourages the hope that our Union may tem of sales, a fixed proportion is every where reserved, be perpetual. And, therefore, I cannot but feel regret at as a fund for education. Does education corrupt? Is the the expression of such opinions as the gentleman has avow-schoolmaster a corrupter of youth? the spelling book, ed; because I think their obvious tendency is to weaken does it break down the morals of the rising generation the bond of our connexion. I know that there are some and the Holy Scriptures, are they fountains of corruption? persons in the part of the country from which the honora- or if, in the exercise of a provident liberality, in regard to ble member comes, who habitually speak of the Union in its own property as a great landed proprietor, and to high terms of indifference, or even of disparagement. The purposes of utility towards others, the Government gives honorable member himself is not, I trust, and can never portions of these lands to the making of a canal, or the be, one of these. They significantly declare, that it is time opening of a road, in the country where the lands them-to calculate the value of the Union; and their aim seems selves are situated, what alarming and overwhelming corto be to enumerate, and to magnify all the evils, real and ruption follows from all this? Can there be nothing pure imaginary, which the Government under the Union prc-in government, except the exercise of mere control? Can nothing be done without corruption, but the imposition of The tendency of all these ideas and sentiments is obvi penalty and restraint? Whatever is positively beneficent, ously to bring the Union into discussion, as a mere ques- whatever is actively good, whatever spreads abroad benetion of present and temporary expediency; nothing more fits and blessings which all can see, and all can feel, whatthan a mere matter of profit and loss. The Union to be ever opens intercourse, augments population, enhances preserved, while it suits local and temporary purposes to the value of property, and diffuses knowledge-must all

duces.

this be rejected and reprobated as a dangerous and obnox ious policy, hurrying us to the double ruin of a Government, turned into despotism by the mere exercise of acts of beneficence, and of a people, corrupted, beyond hope of rescue, by the improvement of their condition?

[SENATE.

true that she did, indeed, oppose the tariff of 1824. There were more votes in favor of that law in the House of Representatives, not only in each of a majority of the Western States, but even in Virginia herself also, than in Massachusetts. It was literally forced upon New England; The gentleman proceeded, sir, to draw a frightful pic- and this shows how groundless, how void of all probability ture of the future. He spoke of the centuries that must any charge must be, which imputes to her hostility to the elapse, before all the lands could be sold, and the great growth of the Western States, as naturally flowing from a hardships that the States must suffer while the United cherished policy of her own. But leaving all conjectures States reserved to itself, within their limits, such large por- about causes and motives, I go at once to the fact, and I tions of soil, not liable to taxation. Sir, this is all, or meet it with one broad, comprehensive, and emphatic nemostly, imagination. If these lands were leasehold pro-gative. I deny that, in any part of her history, at any perty, if they were held by the United States on rent, period of the Government, or in relation to any leading there would be much in the idea. But they are wild lands, subject, New England has manisfested such hostility as is held only till they can be sold; reserved no longer than charged upon her. On the contrary, I maintain that, from till somebody will take them up, at low prices. As to the day of the cession of the territories by the States to their not being taxed, I would ask whether the States Congress, no portion of the country has acted, either with themselves, if they owned them, would tax them before more liberality or more intelligence, on the subject of the sale? Sir, if in any case any State can show that the po- Western lands in the new States, than New England. licy of the United States retards her settlement, or pre- This statement, though strong, is no stronger than the vents her from cultivating the lands within her limits, she strictest truth will warrant. Let us look at the historical shall have my vote to alter that policy. But I look upon facts. So soon as the cessions were obtained, it became the public lands as a public fund, and that we are no necessary to make provision for the government and dismore authorized to give them away gratuitously than to position of the territory--the country was to be governed. give away gratuitously the money in the treasury. I am This, for the present, it was obvious, must be by some terquite aware that the sums drawn annually from the West- ritorial system of administration. But the soil, also, was ern States make a heavy drain upon them, but that is una- to be granted and settled. Those immense regions, large voidable. For that very reason, among others, I have al- enough almost for an empire, were to be appropriated to ways been inclined to pursue towards them a kind and most private ownership. How was this best to be done? What liberal policy; but I am not at liberty to forget, at the system for sale and disposition should be adopted? Two same time, what is due to others, and to the solemn en-modes for conducting the sales presented themselves; the gagements under which the Government rests. one a Southern, and the other a Northern mode. It would I come now to that part of the gentleman's speech be tedious, sir, here, to run out these different systems which has been the main occasion of my addressing the into all their distinctions, and to contrast their opposite Senate. The East! the obnoxious, the rebuked, the results. That which was adopted was the Northern sysalways reproached East! We have come in, sir, on this tem, and is that which we now see in successful operadebate, for even more than a common share of accusation tion in all the new States. That which was rejected, was and attack. If the honorable member from South Caro- the system of warrants, surveys, entry, and location; such lina was not our original accuser, he has yet recited the as prevails South of the Ohio. It is not necessary to exindictment against us, with the air and tone of a public pro- tend these remarks into invidious comparisons. This last secutor. He has summoned us to plead on our arraign-system is that which, as has been emphatically said, has ment; and he tells us we are charged with the crime of a shingled over the country to which it was applied with so narrow and selfish policy; of endeavoring to restrain emi- many conflicting titles and claims. Every body acquainted gration to the West, and, having that object in view, of with the subject knows how easily it leads to speculation maintaining a steady opposition to Western measures and litigation--two great calamities in a new country. and Western interests. And the cause of all this narrow From the system actually established, these evils are banand selfish policy, the gentleman finds in the tariff. Iished. Now, sir, in effecting this great measure, the first think he called it the accursed policy of the tariff. This important measure on the whole subject, New England policy, the gentleman tells us, requires multitudes of de-acted with vigor and effect, and the latest posterity of pendent laborers, a population of paupers, and that it is those who settled Northwest of the Ohio, will have reato secure these at home that the East opposes whatever son to remember, with gratitude, her patriotism and may induce to Western emigration. Sir, I rise to defend her wisdom. The system adopted was her own systhe East. I rise to repel, both the charge itself, and the tem. She knew, for she had tried and proved its value. cause assigned for it. I deny that the East has, at any It was the old fashioned way of surveying lands, before time, shown an illiberal policy towards the West. I pro- the issuing of any title papers, and then of inserting accurate nounce the whole accusation to be without the least foundation in any facts, existing either now, or at any previous time. I deny it in the general, and I deny each and all its particulars. I deny the sum total, and I deny the detail. I deny that the East has ever manifested hostility to the West, and I deny that she has adopted any policy that would naturally have led her in such a course. But the tariff! the tariff!! Sir, I beg to say, in regard to the East, that the original policy of the tariff is not hers, whether it be wise or unwise. New England is not its author. If gentlemen will recur to the tariff of 1816, they will find her practical good sense. that that was not carried by New England votes. It At the foundation of the constitution of these new was truly more a Southern than an Eastern measure. And Northwestern States, we are accustomed, sir, to praise what votes carried the tariff of 1824? Certainly, not the lawgivers of antiquity; we help to perpetuate the fame those of New England. It is known to have been made of Solon and Lycurgus; but I doubt whether one single `matter of reproach, especially against Massachusetts, that law of any lawgiver, ancient or modern, has produced efshe would not aid the tariff of 1824; and a selfish motive fects of more distinct, marked, and lasting character, than was imputed to her for that also. In point of fact, it is the ordinance of '87. That instrument was drawn by

and precise descriptions in the patents or grants, and proceeding with regular reference to metes and bounds. This gives to original titles, derived from Government, a certain and fixed character; it cuts up litigation by the roots, and the settler commences his labors with the assurance that he has a clear title. It is easy to perceive, but not easy to measure, the importance of this in a new country. New England gave this system to the West; and while it remains, there will be spread over all the West one monument of her intelligence in matters of government, and

SENATE.]

Mr. Foot's Resolution.

[JAN. 20, 1830.

Nathan Dane, then, and now, a citizen of Massachusetts. thing, and can do nothing. All that has been effected It was adopted, as I think I have understood, without the has been done by the votes of reproached New England. slightest alteration; and certainly it has happened to few I undertake to say, sir, that if you look to the votes on any men, to be the authors of a political measure of more large one of these measures, and strike out from the list of ayes and enduring consequence. It fixed, forever, the charac- the names of New England members, it will be found that ter of the population in the vast regions Northwest of the in every case the South would then have voted down the Ohio, by excluding from them involuntary servitude. It West, and the measure would have failed. I do not believe impressed on the soil itself, while it was yet a wilderness, that any one instance can be found where this is not strictly an incapacity to bear up any other than free men. It laid true. I do not believe that one dollar has been expended the interdict against personal servitude, in original com-for these purposes beyond the mountains, which could have pact, not only deeper than all local law, but deeper, also, been obtained without cordial co-operation and support than all local constitutions. Under the circumstances then from New England. Sir, I put the gentleman to the West existing, I look upon this original and seasonable provision, itself. Let gentlemen who have sat here ten years, come as a real good attained. We see its consequences at this forth and declare by what aids, and by whose votes, they moment, and we shall never cease to see them, perhaps, have succeeded in measures deemed of essential importwhile the Ohio shall flow. It was a great and salutary ance to their part of the country. To all men of sense measure of prevention. Sir, I should fear the rebuke of and candor, in or out of Congress, who have any knowno intelligent gentleman of Kentucky, were I to ask ledge on the subject, New England may appeal, for refuwhether, if such an ordinance could have been applied to tation of the reproach now attempted to be cast upon her his own State, while it yet was a wilderness, and before in this respect. I take liberty to repeat that I make no Boone had passed the gap of the Alleghany, he does not claim, on behalf of New England, or on account of that suppose it would have contributed to the ultimate great-which I have not stated. She does not profess to have ness of that Commonwealth? It is, at any rate, not to be acted out of favor: for it would not have become her so to doubted, that, where it did apply, it has produced an effect have acted. She solicits for no especial thanks; but, in not easily to be described, or measured in the growth of the consciousness of having done her duty in these things, the States, and the extent and increase of their popula- uprightly and honestly, and with a fair and liberal spirit, tion. Now, sir, this great measure again was carried by be assured she will repel, whenever she thinks the occathe North, and by the North alone. There were, indeed, sion calls for it, an unjust and groundless imputation of individuals elsewhere favorable to it; but it was supported, partiality and selfishness. as a measure, entirely by the votes of the Northern States. The gentleman alluded to a report of the late Secretary If New England had been governed by the narrow and of the Treasury, which, according to his reading or conselfish views now ascribed to her, this very measure was, struction of it, recommended what he called the tariff of all others, the best calculated to thwart her purposes. policy, or a branch of that policy; that is, the restraining It was, of all things, the very means of rendering certain of emigration to the West, for the purpose of keeping a vast emigration from her own population to the West. hands at home to carry on the manufactures. I think, sir, She looked to that consequence only to disregard it. She that the gentleman misapprehended the meaning of the deemed the regulation a most useful one to the States that Secretary, in the interpretation given to his remarks. would spring up on the territory, and advantageous to the understand him only as saying, that, since the low price of country at large. She adhered to the principle of it per- lands at the West acts as a constant and standing bounty severingly, year after year, until it was finally accomplished. to agriculture, it is, on that account, the more reasonable Leaving, then, sir, these two great and leading mea- to provide encouragement for manufactures. But, sir, sures, and coming down to our own times, what is even if the Secretary's observation were to be understood there in the history of recent measures of Government as the gentleman understands it, it would not be a sentithat exposes New England to this accusation of hostility to ment borrowed from any New England source. Whether Western interests? I assert, boldly, that in all measures it be right or wrong, it does not originate in that quarter. conducive to the welfare of the West, since my acquaint- In the course of these remarks, have spoken of the ance here, no part of the country has manifested a more supposed desire, on the part of the Atlantic States, to liberal policy. I beg to say, sir, that I do not state this check, or at least not to hasten, Western emigration, as a with a view of claiming for her any special regard on that narrow policy. Perhaps I ought to have qualified the exaccount. Not at all. She does not place her support of pression; because, sir, I am now about to quote the measures on the ground of favor conferred; far otherwise. opinions of one to whom I would impute nothing narrow. What she has done has been consonant to her view of the I am now about to refer you to the language of a gentleman general good, and, therefore, she has done it. She has of much and deserved distinction, now a member of the sought to make no gain of it; on the contrary, individuals other House, and occupying a prominent situation there. may have felt, undoubtedly, some natural regret at finding The gentleman, sir, is from South Carolina. In 1825, a the relative importance of their own States diminished by debate arose, in the House of Representatives, on the the growth of the West. But New England has regarded subject of the Western road. It happened to me to take that as in the natural course of things, and has never com- some part in that debate. I was answered by the honoraplained of it. Let me see, sir, any one measure favorable ble gentleman to whom I have alluded; and I replied. to the West which has been opposed by New England, May I be pardoned, sir, if I read a part of this debate? since the Government bestowed its attention to these "The gentleman from Massachusetts has urged, [said Western improvements. Select what you will, if it be a Mr. McDUFFIE] as one leading reason why the Governmeasure of acknowledged utility, I answer for it, it will be ment should make roads to the West, that these roads have found that not only were New England votes for it, but a tendency to settle the public lands; that they increase that New England votes carried it. Will you take the the inducements to settlement; and that this is a national Cumberland Road? Who has made that? Will you take object. Sir, I differ entirely from his views on the subthe Portland Canal? Whose support carried that bill? Sir, ject. I think that the public lands are settling quite fast at what period beyond the Greek kalends could these enough; that our people need want no stimulus to urge measures, or measures like these, have been accomplished, them thither; but want rather a check, at least on that arhad they depended on the votes of Southern gentlemen? tificial tendency to Western settlement which we have creWhy, sir, we know that we must have waited till the con- ated by our own laws.

stitutional notions of those gentlemen had undergone an "The gentleman says that the great object of Governentire change. Generally speaking, they have done no-ment, with respect to those lands, is not to make them a

I

JAN. 21, 1830.]

Mr. Foot's Resolution.

[SENATE.

source of revenue, but to get them settled. What would vor of letting population take its own course; he should have been thought of this argument in the old thirteen experience no feeling of mortification if any of his constiStates? It amounts to this, that those States are to offer a tuents liked better to settle on the Kansas, or the Arkanbonus for their own impoverishment--to create a vortex to sas, or the Lord knows where, within our territory; let swallow up our floating population. Look, sir, at the them go, and be happier, if they could. The gentleman present aspect of the Southern States. In no part of Eu-says our aggregate of wealth would have been greater, if rope will you see the same indications of decay. Desert- our population had been restrained within the limits of ed villages, houses falling into ruin, impoverished lands the old States; but does he not consider population to be thrown out of cultivation. Sir, I believe that, if the public wealth? And has not this been increased by the settlelands had never been sold, the aggregate amount of the ment of a new and fertile country? Such a country prenational wealth would have been greater at this moment. sents the most alluring of all prospects to a young and laOur population, if concentrated in the old States, and not boring man; it gives him a freehold; it offers to him ground down by tariffs, would have been more prosperous weight and respectability in society; and, above all, it preand more wealthy. But every inducement has been held sents to him a prospect of a permanent provision for his out to them to settle in the West, until our population has children. Sir, these are inducements which never were become sparse: and then the effects of this sparseness are resisted, and never will be; and, were the whole extent now to be counteracted by another artificial system. Sir, of country filled with population up to the Rocky Moun I say if there is any object worthy the attention of this tains, these inducements would carry that population forGovernment, it is a plan which shall limit the sale of the ward to the shores of the Pacific Ocean. Sir, it is in vain public lands. If those lands were sold according to their to talk; individuals will seek their own good, and not any real value, be it so. But while the Government continues, artificial aggregate of the national wealth. A young, enas it now does, to give them away, they will draw the po- terprising, and hardy agriculturist can conceive of nothing pulation of the older States, and still farther increase the better to him than plenty of good, cheap land." effect which is already distressingly felt, and which must go to diminish the value of all those States possess. Sir, with the reading of these extracts, I leave the subAnd ject. The Senate will bear me witness that I am not acthis, sir, is held out to us as a motive for granting the pre-customed to allude to local opinions, nor to compare nor sent appropriation. I would not, indeed, prevent the for- contrast different portions of the country. I have often mation of roads on these considerations, but I certainly suffered things to pass which I might, properly enough, would not encourage it. Sir, there is an additional item have considered as deserving a remark, without any obin the account of the benefits which this Government has servation. conferred on the Western States. But I have felt it my duty, on this occasion, to It is the sale of the vindicate the State I represent from charges and imputapublic lands at the minimum price. At this moment we tions on her public character and conduct, which I know are selling to the people of the West, lands at one dollar to be undeserved and unfounded. If advanced elsewhere, and twenty-five cents an acre, which are fairly worth fif--they might be passed, perhaps, without notice. But teen, and which would sell at that price if the markets whatever is said here, is supposed to be entitled to public were not glutted." regard, and to deserve public attention; it derives impor"Mr. W. observed, in reply, that the gentleman from tance and dignity from the place where it is uttered. South Carolina had mistaken him if he supposed that it a true Representative of the State which has sent me here, was his wish so to hasten the sales of the public lands, as it is my duty, and a duty which I shall fulfil, to place her to throw them into the hands of purchasers who would history and her conduct, her honor and her character, in sell again. His idea only went as far as this: that the their just and proper light, so often as I think an attack price should be fixed as low as not to prevent the settle- is made upon her so respectable as to deserve to be rement of the lands, yet not so low as to tempt speculators pelled.

As

to purchase. Mr. W. observed that he could not at all [Mr. W. concluded by moving the indefinite postponeconcur with the gentleman from South Carolina, in wish-ment of the resolution.]

THURSDAY, JANUARY 21, 1830.

ing to restrain the laboring classes of population in the Mr. BENTON followed, and spoke in reply to Mr. W. Eastern States from going to any part of our territory, His remarks will be found consolidated in the succeeding where they could better their condition; nor did he sup- pages. pose that such an idea was any where entertained. The observations of the gentleman had opened to him new views of policy on this subject, and he thought he now could perceive why some of our States continued to have such solution offered by Mr. FOOT, relative to the Public Lands. The Senate again resumed the consideration of the rebad roads; it must be for the purpose of preventing peo- Mr. CHAMBERS hoped that the Senate would consent ple from going out of them. The gentleman from South to postpone the resolution till Monday next, as Mr. WEBCarolina supposes that, if our population had been confin- STER, who had engaged in, and wished to be present at, ed to the old thirteen States, the aggregate wealth of the the discussion of the resolution, when it should be resumcountry would have been greater than it now is. But, ed, had some unavoidable engagements out of the Senate, sir, it is an error that the increase of the aggregate of the and could not conveniently give his attendance before national wealth is the object chiefly to be pursued by Monday. Government. The distribution of the national wealth is an object quite as important as its increase. He was not chusetts in his seat, and presumed he could make an arMr. HAYNE said he saw the gentleman from Massasurprised that the old States not increasing in population rangement which would enable him to be present here so fast as was expected (for he believed nothing like a during the discussion to-day. decrease was pretended) should be an idea by no means subject should be postponed, until he had an opportunity He was unwilling that this agreeable to gentlemen from those States; we are all re- of replying to some of the observations which had fallen luctant in submitting to the loss of relative importance: from the gentleman yesterday. He would not deny that but this was nothing more than the natural condition of a some things had fallen from that gentleman which rankled country densely populated in one part, and possessing, in here, [touching his breast] from which he would desire, another, a vast tract of unsettled lands. The plan of the at once, to relieve himself. The gentleman had discharggentleman went to reverse the order of nature, vainly ex-ed his fire in the face of the Senate. He hoped he would pecting to retain men within a small and comparatively now afford him the opportunity of returning the shot. unproductive territory, "who have all the world before Mr. WEBSTER. I am ready to receive it. Let the

them where to choose." For his own part, he was in fa-'discussion proceed.

VOL. VI.--6