ions himself. On July 28th Mukhtar Pasha began his march from Plana in three columns; but he had hardly set out on his march when, to his astonishment, he was attacked by the Montenegrins. The advanced guard retreated as the Turks began to reply to their fire, and on its retreat was reenforced by other corps on its flanks. The Turks, as usual, were accompanied by Bashi-Bazouks, who, as soon as they saw that there was to be serious fighting, took to flight, in which they also involved some of the other battalions. As soon as the Montenegrins saw this, they set out in pursuit, cutting down with their long knives every one who came in their way. The Turkish regulars were cut down while fighting bravely for their artillery. Among the prisoners taken was Osman Pasha, the commander of one of the three Turkish columns. Mukhtar Pasha retreated to Bilek, and, not finding here the necessary means to restore his army, continued his retreat to Trebigne, where he arrived on July 29th. The allied Montenegrins and Herzegovinians immediately separated into several corps, one of which took up its position before Bilek, while the others blocked up the roads leading from Trebigne. Mukhtar Pasha, from Trebigne, sent repeated messages to Constantinople asking for aid, which in due time was rendered him. On September 2d he set out from Trebigne with 12,000 men, crossed the frontier on the 3d, at Saslap, and, after a short engagement at Zagoni, intrenched himself at Saslap, the Montenegrins taking up their positions opposite to him. Occasional engagements now took place between the different outposts, until, on September 16th, complete quiet began to prevail here also.

On the southern border of Montenegro the Fort Medun was the centre of operations. The Montenegrins succeeded in surrounding it, and repulsed several attempts of the Turks to provision it. In the beginning of August the Turks received considerable reënforcements; and on August 15th Mahmoud Pasha, the Turkish commander, attacked the Montenegrins, but was completely routed, his loss being very great. Mahmoud Pasha was placed before a court-martial, and was succeeded by Dervish Pasha. On September 6th he crossed to the north shore of Moratcha, at Rogatzi, and there attacked the Montenegrins, but was repulsed with great loss. On September 11th he attempted another battle, on the heights of Welie Brdo, northwest of Podgoritza, but was forced to retreat to the latter city.

When, on the 18th of July, Servia and Montenegro had declared war against the Porte, the other dependencies of Turkey occupied various attitudes toward her. The Herzegovina and Bosnia were in a state of insurrection; outbreaks had taken place in Bulgaria, which had been repressed with severity. Egypt hesitatingly sent the contingent of troops which the Porte demanded. Roumania occupied a neutral position, stationing a corps of

observation on her borders and carefully guarding her neutrality. On the 16th of July the Roumanian Government addressed a memorandum to the guaranteeing powers, expressing the desire that the Porte, which was accustomed to speak officially of the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia, should recognize the historical name of Roumania for the united principalities, as the other powers had done. It demanded the acceptance of a Roumanian agent as one of the accredited diplomatic body at the Porte, and that this agent have jurisdiction over Roumanians settled in Turkey; a definition of boundaries in respect to the islands of the Danube which belong in part to Turkey and in part to Roumania; and, further, it demanded for Roumania the privilege of making trade, postal, telegraphic, and delivery contracts; that passports issued by the Roumanian Government should be recognized by the Porte; and, finally, asked for a rectification of the boundaries on the lower Danube, so as to assure a free use of the stream to the adjacent Roumanians. The powers declared these demands to be at present inopportune. In Crete, discontent prevailed at the failure of the Government to carry out the reforms promised in the constitution granted in 1869; the Christian judges and councilors had resigned their offices in expression of this discontent; the people, relying upon the statute, refused to respect the judgments of the Mohammedan judges, and a dead-lock existed in judicial administration.

The declaration of war by Servia was followed by a like act on the part of Montenegro. Under these circumstances the European powers were constrained to consider what policy they should adopt in reference to the new questions that were arising. The Porte announced its intention not to consider Servia and Montenegro as war-making powers; toward Servia, in particular, as being a vassal-state, it would place itself on the ground of formal right. Turkey had signed the Convention of Ghent of 1864, which provided for the immunity of the sanitary organizations of belligerents and for the care of the wounded; but it was given out that Servia and Montenegro not being recognized as belligerents, the provisions of the treaty would not be held binding as to them. The international committee of the Convention of Ghent addressed a memorial to the powers which had signed the convention, in which, without discussing the political question set up by Turkey, it suggested that any power as party to the con vention was under a double obligation, in case of a civil war, to observe its rules toward its own subjects; for the Treaty of Ghent was not a mere political document, but was a declaration of high moral and humanitarian principles. It did not become necessary for the powers to act collectively upon this subject, for, at the suggestion of the English Government, the commanders of the Turkish forces

gave orders that the principles of the convention should be regarded by their commands in their dealings with the insurgents.

Sultan Murad V., soon after his accession, revealed his inability to cope with the difficulties of his situation, and his incapacity became more manifest as these difficulties grew with the louder demands of the powers upon the Porte. He became afflicted with fits of melancholy and stupor. A physician was called in from Vienna, who examined into his case and gave the opinion that he was in an irresponsible condition; his disease could not be pronounced incurable, yet it demanded a complete release from business, and stimulants. Acting upon this advice, the Ministerial Council decided, August 31st, that Murad should be deposed. The Sheikh ul-Islam was consulted, as he had been in the case of Abdul-Aziz, and, he

giving a favorable response, the deposition was effected. Abdul-Hamid, a younger brother of Murad, who was born September 22, 1842, was named as the new Sultan, and was girded with the sword of Osman on the 7th of September. On the 9th of September he issued an Imperial hat, confirming the ministers and other high officers in their positions, and projecting reforms. Halil Redif Pasha was appointed Minister of War in the place of AbdulKerim Pasha, who took the command of the army, and Savfet Pasha was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs, in the place of the minister who had been murdered by Hassan.

The powers, particularly England and Austria, exerted themselves both at Belgrade and at Constantinople to secure an armistice. The Servians insisted steadfastly upon the accomplishment of the single purpose with which

they had gone to war-the freedom of their Slavic brethren-and would listen to no propositions which did not further that end. The birth of a crown-prince, August 14th, and the birthday of Prince Milan, August 22d, were made the occasion of the presentation of an address from the Permanent Commission of the Skupshtina to the Prince, which was filled with warlike expressions. The "name-day " of the Czar of Russia was celebrated in Belgrade, September 11th, with great honors, as the festival of one who would deliver the country from Turkish oppression. The Porte, during the reign of Murad, had been accustomed to reply to the pressure of the powers for the institution of reforms, that a plan of reforms to embrace the whole empire was under consideration, and required time to ma

ture it; and the state of health of the Sultan Murad was pleaded as an additional reason for forbearance. After the deposition of Murad the powers renewed their demands with energy. As a condition to an armistice with Servia, the Porte demanded that Servia should ask for it; Turkey had no interest in demanding an armistice, and could only take it into consideration as a preliminary to peace. The English embassador requested Savfet Pasha to name conditions of peace, which the powers might consider and impose upon Servia if they approved them; but an armistice, he said, was indispensable, to give the powers time to come to an understanding concerning the proposed conditions. The Turks replied that the council was engaged in drafting the conditions, and would soon impart them to the powers;

they could not recognize the insurgents as belligerents by granting them a formal armistice, but their officers in the field could be instructed to refrain from hostilities while the terms were under consideration, provided the Servian troops likewise avoided acts of war. On the 14th of September Savfet Pasha communicated to the embassadors a long memorandum, reiterating the objections of the Porte to granting an armistice except in connection with distinct propositions for peace, and stating the conditions on which Turkey was willing to make peace. These conditions were in substance as follows:

1. The Prince of Servia shall go to Constantinople

and pay homage to the Sultan.

2. The four fortresses which were placed under the care of the Prince of Servia in 1867, but of which the title remained in the possession of the Turkish Government, shall be again occupied by the impe

rial army.

3. The Servian militia shall be abolished; the number of troops allowed for the preservation of order in the interior of the principality shall not exceed 10,000 men, with two batteries. 4. Servia shall return to their homes all inhabitants of the neighboring provinces who have escaped to her territories, and shall destroy all the fortresses which have been recently built, leaving only those which belonged of old to the principality.

5. The amount of annual tribute to be paid by Servia shall be increased by such a sum as shall be sufficient to pay the interest upon the amount of the war-indemnity to be assessed upon her.

6. The Ottoman Government shall have the right to build a railway to connect Belgrade with the line from Nissa, and operate it with officers of its own appointment.

Toward Montenegro the status quo ante bellum should be observed. These points differed totally from the conditions which the disaffected provinces were seeking to gain, as well as from the views of the powers. The counter-propositions of the powers were communicated to the Porte September 23d. Without taking any notice of the six points of the Turkish proposition, they demanded an autonomy for Bosnia and the Herzegovina, to be more clearly defined in future; a port for Montenegro; an organization for Bulgaria like that adopted for the Lebanon, with a Christian governor appointed by the Porte, and other privileges to be hereafter defined; for Servia, the status quo ante bellum, except that an indemnity for the damages occasioned by the war might be assessed from the principality. While waiting the answer of the Porte to these propositions, the powers engaged in correspondence with each other to determine what course should be taken in case they were rejected. They continued to insist upon an armistice, and finally effected an arrangement that the Turks should desist from hostilities from the 16th to the 25th of September, while Servia and Montenegro should be restrained from action during the same period. On the 16th of September General Tchernayeff and his officers, at a festival given at Deligrad, proclaimed Prince Milan King of Servia. On the

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next day the proclamation was formally published to the troops of the army of the Morava; deputations of the people were present, and an address to King Milan I. Obrenovitch, duly signed, was read by General Protitch, "in the name of the heroic Servian people." count of the proceedings was telegraphed to Prince Milan, and a deputation was dispatched to Belgrade in order to communicate to the Prince in person the feeling of the army. This affair caused disquiet to the powers and the adjacent territories, particularly to AustroHungary, and threatened to embarrass the negotiations for peace. Prince Milan was con

strained to disavow it, and caused the deputation from the army to be turned back before it had reached Belgrade.

On the 7th of October the embassadors of sition for an armistice of six weeks. On the the powers made to the Porte a formal propo12th the Porte replied, proposing an armistice of six months, from October, 1876, to the 31st of March, 1877, during which period the Servians would be expected not to disturb those places of which the Turks were in possession; the introduction of foreign volunteers and of arms and ammunition for Servia and Montene

gro should be prohibited; and all proceedings tending to excite discontent in the neighboring provinces should be avoided. In connection with this proposition, the Porte submitted the draft of a new constitution which had been prepared for the whole empire. It provided for a National Assembly, to consist of deputies chosen by the capital and the vilayets, who should be called to Constantinople for three months in each year to settle the taxes and the budget; and for a Senate, who should be named by the Sultan; the attributes of the great state-bodies were to be more fully defined by a special law, which was now under consideration by a high commission of Mohammedans and Christians, sitting under the presidency of Midhat Pasha. Another law, for the reorganization of the provincial administrations, would provide for the execution of the present law in the vilayets, and for the extension of the active and passive right of election, and would also introduce in general the practical reforms which the European powers had sought only for Bosnia and the Herzegovina. The general councils of the vilayets would likewise have the right to watch over the execution of the laws and regulations; and in the intervals between the sittings of the general council the administrative councils chosen by the people should attend to affairs appertaining to the jurisdiction of the general council, and supervise the administrative officers in their functions. Further, it had been decided to improve the method of assessing and collecting the taxes in the whole empire; to elevate the communities as much as possible; to give to them the control of the disposition of a part of the public revenues; to reorganize the police; and, in short, to make as complete a provincial or

ganization as could be attained. Prince Gortchakoff notified the other powers that Russia was not ready to agree to an armistice of six months, but would prefer one of six weeks, as had been proposed by England, and which could be renewed as often as there might be occasion. General Ignatieff, the Russian embassador at Constantinople, who had been absent on leave for a considerable time, returned to Constantinople October 19th. He immediately conferred with the other embassadors, and reiterated in a more definite form the demand of Russia for a security of the autonomy of Bulgaria, Bosnia, and the Herzegovina, and for the introduction of the reforms promised by the Porte, under the control of a commission of the European powers. Here arose a question whether the commission would not have to be supported by an armed force against the fanaticism of the Mussulmans. The action of General Ignatieff was very unwelcome to the Turks, for they regarded it as an indication that Russia had determined upon an ultimatum with the alternative of war. Unfavorable reports came from Roumania, that Prince Charles had refused to proclaim the accession of Abdul-Hamid as Sultan; that he had given permission to Russia to march troops through his territory; and that a great gathering of troops in the neighborhood of Galatz had been ordered for the autumnal manœuvres. On the 23d of October a plot was discovered, which had been formed among the adherents of the late Sultan Abdul-Aziz and his GrandVizier Mahmoud Pasha, for the deposition of Abdul-Hamid and the installation of Yusuf Izzedin Effendi, son of Abdul-Aziz. At the head of the conspiracy were Meshid-Din Effendi, former teacher of Yusuf Izzedin, who had been a candidate for the office of Sheikh ul-Islam; Riza Beg, former director of the archives; the Circassian, Ramiz Pasha, and several eminent ulemas. Mahmoud Pasha was to be Grand-Vizier of the new Sultan. The conspiracy had numerous adherents among the fanatical Moslems, and was to be carried into effect on the 1st of November. betrayed, the leaders were disposed of secretly, and many of their adherents were deported to the islands of the archipelago.

It was

The suspension of hostilities was interrupted by several slight conflicts. An attempt was made to extend it till the 2d of October, but Servia refused to recognize it. On the 28th of September General Tchernayeff sent out detachments to Trnyan, Nozrina, and Buimir, and burned the Turkish bridges at Trnyan. At this time the situation of the two armies was as follows: The left wing of the Servian army extended along the left bank of the Djunis stream from Weliki Shiliegovatz to Djunis, and was intrenched and supported by riflepits on the right bank of the Djunis. The centre, likewise intrenched, facing the south, stretched along the line from Djunis to opposite Korman, on the Morava. The left wing was

posted at Alexinatz, and extended above and below the intrenched camp from Bogoviste to Glagowitza; it had in its rear the stone bridge on the road from Krushevatz to Deligrad, and three field-bridges over the Morava, all of which were guarded by intrenchments. The reserve was concentrated at Deligrad. The Turkish army, whose lines formed an angle, with the point to the north, had its left wing between Kruschie and Lower Adrovatz, and its right wing along the left bank of the Morava, from Lower Adrovatz to Teshitza. The Turks were, like the Servians, protected by rifle-pits. They had a force of about 60,000 infantry, including 6,000 irregular Arnauts and Circassians, 2,500 regular cavalry, and 15 batteries with 90 guns. Connected with this force were smaller detachments in the valley of the Toplitza at Prokoplie and Kurshumlie, and on the Babina Glava, containing together about 4,000 men; at Nissa a reserve of 20,000 men and four field-batteries; and at Ak Palanka and Pirot between 4,000 and 5,000 men. The Servians had in their lines between 60,000 and 70,000 men, including all the reenforcements which they had received from abroad. On the 29th of September General Tehernayeff made an unsuccessful assault upon the Turkish left wing. On the 30th the Turks opened an effective artillery-fire and established themselves without serious opposition upon the Ludak stream, occupied Gredetin and Peshtchanitza, and on the following day the heights on the left bank of the stream. In the first days of October the headquarters of their advance - guard were removed to Peshtchanitza. No further actions worthy of notice occurred till the 19th of October. On that day the Turks, having been previously reenforced from Nissa, made a general attack upon the Servian lines. The battle, which was most actively fought around Weliki Shiliegovatz, lasted till dark, and resulted in important advantages to the Turks. As one of its results, they were enabled to withdraw their lines from the narrow corner between the Ludak stream and the Morava, and at its close they possessed an effective front to the north against the Servian position between Gladova and Korman. On the 23d they had gained possession of both sides of the Djunis stream, and held a position between the right wing and the left wing and centre of the Servian army. This would have been dangerous to them if General Tchernayeff had still held the bridge at Alexinatz with sufficient force to make a strong attack from it upon the right flank of the Turks. But this was not the case. Believing that it would not be necessary to make a stand at this position, it had been left in charge of a force so small as to be incapable of performing an effective movement. Consequently the Servians were kept upon the defensive. A vigorous cannonade was kept up against their intrenchments on the 28th. On the 29th a number of intrenchments were carried by

storm, and General Horvatovitch was driven back upon Krushevatz, and General Tchernayeff upon Deligrad. The Turks next turned their forces against Alexinatz and Deligrad, and captured the former post, the strongest fortified position in Servia, on the 31st of October. There seemed now to be no possibility of staying the advance of the Turks, when Russia interfered with her ultimatum, on the evening of the 31st of October, demanding the assent of Turkey within forty-eight hours to an armistice of two months, as the alternative of her recalling her embassador from Constantinople. The armistice was agreed to, and the Servians were released from their peril.

The Servian army of the Morava was seriously distracted, during October, by dissensions and jealousies between the Russian volunteers and the Servians, which nearly led to its disintegration. Among the Russian volunteers were numerous adventurers, who had entered the Servian service merely for the sake of the plunder. These caused so much trouble by their depredations among the peaceful population, that the Minister of War ordered them to be sent over the Servian frontier. General Tchernayeff was indignant at this order, and demanded the removal of Nikolitch, the Minister of War, from his office. The latter was, however, supported by his colleagues, and Prince Milan sent the Minister of the Interior to Deligrad to pacify Tchernayeff. Disputes and crimination arose also between the Rus sian and Servian officers, and the quarrel came to so high a pitch as to threaten the total destruction of discipline, and a revolt, when the signing of the armistice gave a new aspect to affairs.

On the Drina the Servians retreated to their own territory, some of the men being sent to aid Tchernayeff on the Morava, and others were granted an indefinite furlough. The Turks, on the other hand, made great preparations for a general attack, in which, however, they were interrupted by the armistice. On the Ibar, where the Servian troops had been placed, under the command of the Russian general Novoselov, no engagements of any importance took place. On the Timok, also, everything had remained quiet during this time, as the army of the Timok had been united with that of the Morava in August, and only a few detachments remained to guard the line of the river. In Montenegro, Mukhtar Pasha had quietly remained in his intrenchments during the cessation of hostilities. On October 9th a sharp engagement took place at Saslap, in which the Turks were driven from their positions, when they retired to Turkish territory. At the same time, the insurgent leader Dakovitch marched with 4,000 men to Liubigne, which he burned. The insurgents also obtained several advantages at other points; so that, when the armistice was proclaimed, the Turks were in a very precarious position on the northern border of Mon

tenegro, while on the southern border their condition was not much better. Here Dervish Pasha undertook, on October 9th, an invasion from Saresh up the Zeta. He made considerable progress until, on the 16th, he was attacked by Stanko Radonitch at Zagarash, and was defeated; and on October 21st Fort Medun also capitulated. Thus, at the beginning of the armistice, the Montenegrins had cleared their whole country of the Turks; and while the Servians saw portions of their country in the hands of the enemy, the Montenegrins had gained a firm footing on Turkish territory, and were in a position to dictate their own terms.

When the Turks agreed to an armistice of two months, Savfet Pasha, with the consent of Ignatieff and the representatives of the other powers, reserved to himself the right to regulate the details. One of the most difficult of these details was the settlement of the lines of demarkation between the belligerents. For this purpose each of the six great powers appointed two military commissioners, who should cooperate with the Turkish, Servian, and Montenegrin commissioners. For Servia it was an easy matter to determine the line of demarkation; and although some difficulties presented themselves in the case of Montenegro, still the matter was also definitely settled here by December 12th. The blockade of Nicsic by Montenegro was continued, but a regular provisioning of the city was ordered from Montenegro, and under the supervision of that power. As soon as the armistice was definitely settled upon, the Servian militia was dismissed.

After the interview of Lord Loftus with the Emperor Alexander (see RUSSIA), Earl Derby assumed the initiative in calling a conference of the great powers of Europe, and for this purpose issued, on November 4th, a circular letter to the British representatives at the courts of the other powers. This letter was

as follows:

Her Majesty's Government believe, from the communications which they have received from the powers, that there is a general feeling that the only solution of the questions arising out of recent events in Turkey is to be found in a conference, but that there is some hesitation felt in formally proposing it. Under these circumstances, and with the view of bringing about a satisfactory settlement of those questions, her Majesty's Government have determined to renew the suggestion made by them on ing that a conference should be held forthwith at the 5th ultimo, and to take the initiative in proposConstantinople, in which all the guaranteeing powers and the Porte should take part, and each Government should be at liberty to appoint two plenipotentiaries to represent it. Her Majesty's Governtions of the conference: ment further submit, as the basis for the delibera

1. The independence and the territorial integrity of the Ottoman Empire.

2. A declaration that the powers do not intend to seek for, and will not seek for, any territorial advantages, any exclusive influence, or any concession with regard to the commerce of their subjects which those of every other nation may not equally obtain.