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CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. The first menced at Washington, on December 6, 1875. session of the Forty-fourth Congress com

*

*The following is a list of members at the first session of the Forty-fourth Congress.

SENATE.

Alabama-George Goldthwaite, George E. Spencer.
Arkansas-Powell Clayton, Stephen W. Dorsey.
California-Aaron A. Sargent, Newton Booth.*
Connecticut-James E. English,*+ William W. Eaton.
Delaware-Eli Saulsbury, Thomas F. Bayard.
Florida-Simon B. Conover, Charles A. Jones.*
Georgia-Thomas M. Norwood, John B. Gordon.
Illinois John A. Logan, Richard J. Oglesby.
Indiana-Oliver P. Morton, Joseph E. McDonald.*
Iowa-George G. Wright, William B. Allison.
Kansas James M. Harvey, John J. Ingalls.
Kentucky-John W. Stevenson, Thomas C. McCreery.
Louisiana-J. Rodman West, (Vacancy).
Maine-Lot M. Morrill, Hannibal Hamlin.

Maryland-George R. Dennis, William Pinkney Whyte."
Massachusetts-George S. Boutwell, Henry L. Dawes.*
Michigan-Thomas W. Ferry, Isaac P. Christiancy*
Minnesota-William Windom, Samuel J. R. McMillan.*
Mississippi-James L. Alcorn, Branch K. Bruce.*
Missouri-Lewis V. Bogy, Francis M. Cockrell.*
Nebraska--Phineas W. Hitchcock, Algernon S. Paddock.*
Nevada-John P. Jones, William Sharon.*

New Hampshire-Aaron H. Cragin, Bainbridge Wadleigh. New Jersey-Frederick T. Frelinghuysen, Theodore F. Randolph.*

New York-Roscoe Conkling, Francis Kernan.* North Carolina-Matthew W. Ranson, Augustus S. Merrimon.

Olio-John Sherman, Allen G. Thurman.
Oregon-James K. Kelly, John H. Mitchell.
Pennsylvania-Simon Cameron, William A. Wallace.*
Rhode Island-Henry B. Anthony, Ambrose E. Burnside,*
South Carolina-Thomas J. Robertson, John J. Patterson.
Tennessee-Henry Cooper, David M. Key.*+
Texas-Morgan C. Hamilton, S. B. Maxey.*
Vermont-Justin S. Morrill, George F. Edmunds.
Virginia-John W. Johnston, Robert E. Withers.*
West Virginia-Henry G. Davis, Allen T. Coperton.*
Wisconsin-Timothy O. Howe, Angus Cameron.*

HOUSE.

Alabama-Jeremiah Haralson, Jeremiah N. Williams, Taul Bradford, Charles Hays, John H. Caldwell, Goldsmith W. Hewitt, Burwell B. Lewis, William H. Forney.

Arkansas-Lucien C. Gause, William F. Slemons, William W. Wilshire, Thomas M. Gunter.

California-William A. Piper, Horace F. Page, John K. Luttrell, P. D. Wigginton.

Connecticut-George M. Landers, James Phelps, Henry

H. Starkweather, William H. Barnum.
Delaware-James Williams.

Florida Josiah T. Walls, William J. Purman.
Georgia-Julian Hartridge, William E. Smith, Philip Cook,
Henry R. Harris, Milton A. Candler, James H. Blount, Wil-
liam II. Felton, Alexander H. Stephens, Benjamin H. Hill.

Illinois-Bernard G. Caulfield, Carter II. Harrison, Charles B. Farwell, Stephen A. Hurlbut, Horatio C. Burchard, Thomas J. Henderson, Alexander Campbell, Greenbury L. Fort, Richard H. Whiting, John C. Bagby, Scott Wike, William M. Springer, Adlai E. Stevenson, Joseph G. Cannon, John R. Eden, William A. J. Sparks, William R. Morrison, William Hartzell, William B. Anderson.

Indiana-Benoni S. Fuller, James D. Williams, Michael C. Kerr, Jeptha D. New, William S. Holman, Milton S. Robinson, Franklin Landers, Morton C. Hunter, Thomas J. Cason, WilIlan S. Haymond, James L. Evans, Andrew H. Hamilton, John H. Baker.

Iowa-George W. McCrary, John Q. Tufts, Lucien L. Ainsworth, Henry O. Pratt, James Wilson, Ezekiel S. Sampson, John A. Kasson, James W. McDill, Addison Oliver.

Kansas-William A. Phillips, John R. Goodwin, William

R. Brown.

Kentucky-Andrew R. Boone, John Young Brown, Charles W. Milliken, J. Proctor Knott, Edward Y. Parsons, Thomas L. Jones, Joseph C. S. Blackburn, Milton J. Durham, John D. White, John B. Clarke.

Louisiana-Randall L. Gibson, E. John Ellis, Chester B. Darrall, William M. Levy, Frank Morey, Charles E. Nash. Maine-John H. Burleigh. William P. Frye, James G. Blaine, Harris M. Plaisted, Eugene Hale.

Maryland-Philip F. Thomas, Charles B. Roberts, William J. O'Brien, Thomas Swann, Eli J. Henkle, William Walsh. Appointed by the Governor to fill vacancy. Died January 28, 1876, and succeeded by John T. Wait.

New members.

The President pro tempore, Thomas W. Ferry,

Massachusetts-William W. Crapo, Benjamin W. Harris, Henry L. Pierce, Rufus S. Frost,* Nathaniel P. Banks, Charles P. Thompson, John K. Tarbox, William Wirt Warren, George F. Hoar, Julius H. Seelye, Chester W. Chapin.

Michigan-Alpheus S. Williams, Henry Waldron, George Willard, Allen Potter, William B. Williams, George H. Durand, Omar D. Conger, Nathan B. Bradley, Jay A. Hubbell.

Minnesota-Mark H. Dunnell, Horace B. Strait, William S.

King.

Mississippi-Lucius Q. C. Lamar, G. Wiley Wells, Hernando D. Money, Otho R. Singleton, Charles E. Hooker, John R. Lynch.

Missouri-Edward C. Kehr, Erastus Wells, William H. Stone, Robert A. Hatcher, Richard P. Bland, Charles H. Morgan, John F. Philips, Benjamin J. Franklin, David Rea, Rezin A. De Bolt, John B. Clark, Jr., John M. Glover, Aylett H. Buckner.

Nebraska-Lorenzo Crounse. Nevada-William Woodburn.

New Hampshire-Frank Jones, Samuel N. Bell, Henry W. Blair.

New Jersey-Clement H. Sinnickson, Samuel A. Dobbins, Miles Ross, Robert Hamilton, Augustus W. Cutler, Frederick H. Teese, Augustus A. Hardenbergh.

New York-Henry B. Metcalfe, John G. Schumaker, Simeon B. Chittenden, Archibald M. Bliss, Edwin R. Meade, Samuel S. Cox, Smith Ely, Jr., Elijah Ward, Fernando Wood, Abram S. Hewitt, Benjamin A. Willis, N. Holmes Odell, John O. Whitehouse, George M. Beebe, John H. Bagley, Jr., Charles H. Adams, Martin I. Townsend, Andrew Williams, William A. Wheeler, Henry H. Hathorne, Samuel F. Miller, George A. Bagley, Scott Lord, William H. Baker, Elias W. Leavenworth, Clinton D. MacDougall, Elbridge G. Lapham. Thomas C. Platt, Charles C. B. Walker, John M. Davy, George G. Hoskins, Lyman K. Bass, (Vacancy).

North Carolina-Jesse J. Yeates, John A. Hyman, Alfred M. Waddell, Joseph J. Davis, Alfred M. Scales, Thomas S. Ashe, William M. Robbins, Robert B. Vance.

Ohio-Milton Sayler, Henry B. Banning, John S. Savage, John A. McMahon, Americus V. Rice, Frank H. Hurd, Lawrence T. Neal, William Lawrence, Early F. Poppleton, Charles Foster, John L. Vance, Ansel T. Walling, Milton I. Southard, Jacob P. Cowan, Nelson H. Van Vorhes, Lorenzo Danford, Laurin D. Woodworth, James Monroe, James A. Garfield, Henry B. Payne.

Oregon-Lafayette Lane.

Pennsylvania-Chapman Freeman, Charles O'Neill, Samuel J. Randall, William D. Kelley, John Robbins, Washington Townsend, Alan Wood, Jr., Heister Clymer, A. Herr Smith, William Mutchler, Francis D. Collins, Winthrop W. Ketchum, James B. Reilly, John B. Packer, Joseph Powell, Sobieski Ross, John Reilly, William S. Stenger, Levi Maish, Levi A. Mackey, Jacob Turney, James H. Hopkins, Alexander G. Cochrane, John W. Wallace, George A. Jenks, James Sheakley, Albert G. Egbert.

Rhode Island-Benjamin T. Eames, Latimer W. Ballou. South Carolina-Joseph H. Rainey, Edward W. M. Mackey, Solomon L. Hoge, Alexander S. Wallace, Robert Smalls.

Tennessee-William McFarland, Jacob M. Thornburgh, George C. Dibrell, H. Y. Riddle, John M. Bright, John F. Honse, Washington C. Whitthorne, John D. C. Atkins, William P. Caldwell, H. Casey Young.

Texas-John H. Reagan, David B. Culberson, James W. Throckmorton, Roger Q. Mills, John Hancock, Gustave Schleicher.

Vermont-Charles H. Joyce, Dudley C. Denison, George W. Hendee.

Virginia-Beverly B. Douglas, John Goode, Jr., Gilbert C. Walker, William H. H. Stowell, George C. Cobell, John Randolph Tucker. John T. Harris, Eppa Hunton, William Terry. West Virginia-Benjamin Wilson, Charles J. Faulkner, Frank Hereford.

Wisconsin-Charles G. Williams, Lucien B. Caswell, Henry S. Magoon, William Pitt Lynde, Samuel D. Burchard, Alanson M. Kimball, Jeremiah M. Rusk, George W. Cate.

DELEGATES FROM TERRITORIES.
Arizona-Hiram S. Stevens.
Colorado-Thomas M. Patterson.
Dakota-Jefferson P. Kidder.
Idaho-Thomas W. Bennett.†
Montana-Martin Maginnis.
New Merico-Stephen B. Elkins.
Utah-George Q. Cannon.
Washington--Orange Jacobs.
Wyoming-William R. Steele.

*Seat given to Josiah G. Abbott, July 14, 1876.
Seat given to Stephen S. Fenn, June 23, 1876.

of Michigan, called the Senate to order. In the House Michael C. Kerr was elected Speaker, receiving 173 votes, and James G. Blaine 106, with three scattering votes. (For the President's Message, see PUBLIC DOCUMENTS in ANNUAL CYCLOPÆDIA, 1875, or vol. xv.)

In the Senate, on December 8, 1875, Mr. Morton, of Indiana, proposed the following amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which was read twice, and referred to the Committee on Privileges and Elections: I. The President and Vice-President shall be elected by the direct vote of the people in the manner following: Each State shall be divided into districts, equal in number to the number of Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress, to be composed of contiguous territory, and to be as nearly equal in population as may be; and the person having the highest number of votes in each district for President shall receive the vote of that district, which shall count one presidential vote. II. The person having the highest number of votes for President in a State shall receive two presidential votes from the State at large.

III. The person having the highest number of presidential votes in the United States shall be Pres

ident.

IV. If two persons have the same number of votes in any State, it being the highest number, they shall receive each one presidential vote from the State at large; and if more than two persons shall have each the same number of votes in any State, it being the highest number, no presidential vote shall be counted from the State at large. If more persons than one shall have the same number of votes, it being the highest number in any district, no presidential vote shall be counted from that district.

V. The foregoing provisions shall apply to the election of Vice-President.

VI. The Congress shall have power to provide for holding and conducting the elections of President and Vice-President, and to establish tribunals for the decision of such elections as may be contested. VII. The States shall be divided into districts by the Legislatures thereof, but the Congress may at any time by law make or alter the same.

In the Senate, on January 31, Mr. Wright, of Iowa, introduced the following joint resolution to amend the Constitution of the United States, which was referred to the Committee on Privileges and Elections:

After the year eighteen hundred and seventy-six the President and Vice-President of the United States shall be elected by a direct vote of the people, of the several States, and the electors in each State shall have the same qualifications as the electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislature.

The person receiving the greatest number of votes for President shall be the President, and the person receiving the greatest number of votes for Vice-President shall be the Vice-President; but if two or more persons shall each receive an equal and the greatest number of votes for President, then the House of Representatives shall, from such persons, immediately choose the President; and if two or more persons shall each receive an equal and the greatest number of votes for Vice-President, then the Senate shall, from such persons, immediately choose the Vice-President. In such élections, each House shall vote vira voce, and each member shall have one vote; and the person receiving a majority of the votes cast shall be elected; and, in case of a tie, the presiding officer shall determine it.

The election for President and Vice-President shall be held at the time now provided by law for

choosing the electors of such officers, but Congress may prescribe a different time, which shall be the the manner of holding and conducting such elecsame in all the States; and Congress shall prescribe tion, and making the returns thereof; and, in case of failure so to do, that duty shall devolve, in the order named, first, on the President of the United States; second, on the Legislature of each State utive of each State within that State. within that State; and, third, upon the chief Exec

The returns shall be canvassed at the time and in the manner now provided, or which may be hereafter provided, by the joint rules of the two Houses, or by law, by and in the presence of both Houses of Congress, who shall be the judges (each House voting separately) of the returns and election; but in case the two Houses shall not agree, then the matter of disagreement shall be referred to the Supreme Court of the United States, which shall forthwith decide the same, and such decision shall be final.

On the same day Mr. Wright also introduced the following joint resolution to amend the Constitution:

The Senate of the United States shall be com

posed of two members from each State, who shall hereafter be elected by a direct vote of the people thereof for six years; and the electors in each State shall have the same qualifications as the electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislature; but Congress may, by law, provide for conducting and holding the election and canvassing the vote.

In the Senate, on March 22d, Mr. Edmunds, of Vermont, introduced the following joint resolution to amend the Constitution of the United States. It was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary:

ARTICLE XII. That the twelfth article of the amendments of the Constitution be, and the same is hereby, abrogated, and in the place thereof the following be, and the same is hereby, ordained and established, namely:

The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by ballot for President and Vice-President, one of whom at least shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with themselves; they shall name in their ballots the person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice-President, and they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and for all persons voted for as Vice-President, and of the number of votes for each; which lists they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of Government of the United States, directed to the presiding justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. And the Supreme Court, at a time and place to be fixed by law, shall publicly open all the certificates and count the votes, and the person having the greatest number of votes for President, considered by the court to have been lawfully given and certified, shall be President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors lawfully appointed; and if no person have such majority, the state of the votes shall be immediately certified to the House of Representatives, and then, from the persons having the highest number, not exceeding three on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose immediately, by a viva você vote, the President; but the vote shall be taken by States, the representation from each State having one vote; and if the votes of any State shall not show a majority for any one candidate, the vote of such State shall not be reckoned. A quorum of the House of Representatives for the purpose of such election shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice; and if, on the first vote, there shall be a failure to elect, further

votes shall immediately continue to be taken until a President shall be elected.

And if the House of Representatives shall not choose a President, when the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then the Vice-President shall act as President, as in the case of the death or other constitutional disability of the President. The person having the greatest number of votes for Vice-President, to be counted and determined as in case of President as before provided, shall be Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed. And if no person have a majority, then from the two highest numbers on the list the Senate shall choose a Vice-President; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of twothirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of Vice-President of the United States.

SEC. 2. No person holding the office of a Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States shall be eligible to be elected as President or Vice-President until the expiration of two years next after he shall have ceased to be such justice.

On May 12th the committee reported the same back with amendments, but no further action was taken.

In the House, on December 14, 1875, Mr. Blaine, of Maine, introduced the following joint resolution for an amendment of the Constitution, which was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary:

ARTICLE XVI. No State shall make any law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; and no money raised by taxation in any State for the support of public schools, or derived from any public fund therefor, nor any public lands devoted thereto, shall ever be under the control of any religious sect; nor shall any money so raised or lands so devoted be divided between religious sects or denominations.

On the same day Mr. Randall, of Pennsylvania, introduced to the House the following joint resolution for an amendment of the Constitution, which was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary:

ARTICLE XVI.—1. From and after the next election for a President of the United States the President shall hold his office during the term of six years, and, together with the Vice-President chosen for the same term, be elected in the manner as now provided, or may hereafter be provided; but neither the President, nor the Vice-President, when the office of President has devolved upon him, shall be eligible for reelection as President.

On January 18th the Judiciary Committee reported back the resolution with a substitute, which was read, as follows:

No person who has held, or may hereafter hold, the office of President shall ever again be eligible to

said office.

Mr. Frye, of Maine, from the minority of the committee, submitted the following amend

ment:

Strike out these words:

No person who has held, or may hereafter hold, the office of President shall ever again be eligible to said office.

1885, the term of office of President and Vice-President of the United States shall be six years; and any person having been elected to and held the office of President, or who for two years has held such office, shall be ineligible to a reelection.

The Speaker pro tempore (Mr. Holman): "The question is on the amendment submitted by the gentleman from Maine (Mr. Frye) on behalf of the minority of the committee. The gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Knott), the chairman of the Committee on the Judiciary, is entitled to the floor."

Mr. Knott, of Kentucky, said: "I do not propose at this time to enter into a discussion of the reasons which influenced the Committee on the Judiciary in reporting this proposed amendment to the Constitution. I desire merely to state as succinctly as possible the conclusions at which they arrived. The committee appreciated the unanimity of opinion everywhere that there should be some limit to eligibility to the office of President. The only question upon which there was any contrariety of judgment, as is apparent from the report of the committee and the views of the minority, was as to the length of the term. As the House knows, there were a variety of propositions submitted to the committee: one to extend the term to six years and render the incumbent forever after ineligible to the office of President; another extending the term to six years and rendering the incumbent ineligible for the six succeeding years; another extending the term to six years and making the President a Senator for life for the United States at large, after the expiration of his term of office; another limiting the term to four years.

"After considering these various propositions the committee concluded that they could give to the people of this country no good reason why the presidential term should be extended beyond its present limits. An amendment to the Constitution in this direction is evidently in the interests of the people themselves, jealous at all times, as they should be, of executive power. The committee, therefore, were of opinion that no amendment extending the term beyond its present limits would meet the approbation of the people of this country, and that such a proposition would be entirely nugatory.

"Neither could the committee appreciate the propriety or the importance of rendering the President eligible after the lapse of a given period of time. It occurred to them, I have no doubt, as it did to myself, that men make their calculations as though they expected to live always, and that a President in office, with an expectation of being elected again after the lapse of four or six years, would, if inclined to use his influence at all for the promotion of his own ambition, be under the same temptation as if he were immediately reëlected.

And insert in lieu thereof the following: "The committee, therefore, submit to the From and after the 4th day of March, in the year House the proposition, simple and unadorned,

that no person who has held or who may hereafter hold the office shall ever again be eligible for that office, believing that there never will be a time when suitable candidates cannot be found who will be more than willing to take the office upon those conditions. Whether I shall add anything more upon this question will depend upon what may be said by other gentlemen during the discussion. I now yield to the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. New)." Mr. New, of Indiana, said: "I call for the reading of the joint resolution, introduced by myself, for information."

The resolution was read as follows:

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled (two-thirds of each House concurring therein), That the following article be proposed to the Legis

latures of the several States as an amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which, when ratified by three-fourths of said Legislatures, shall be valid as a part of the Constitution, namely:

ARTICLE XVI. From and after the next election for the President of the United States the President shall hold his office during the term of four years, and, together with the Vice-President chosen for the same term, be elected in the manner now provided by law, or as may hereafter be provided. But neither the President, the Vice-President, nor any other person in the office of President, as devolved upon him by law, shall be eligible to the office of Presi

dent a third time.

Mr. New: "Mr. Speaker, it will be observed that the joint resolution just read leaves the matter of the presidential term where it is, except that a third term by the same President is prohibited.

"I shall not occupy much time. I cannot hope to present anything new, or which would not upon reflection occur to the minds of other members. The reasons which I shall assign in opposition to a one-term limitation, and in favor of eligibility to a second term with ineligibility to a third, will perhaps be familiar to all the members of this body. For the most part my arguments will be such as I have gleaned from reading the past history of this question and the history of the country.

"We cannot over-estimate the importance of the subject. We cannot fail to appreciate the disagreeable attitude in which we place ourselves, as also the possible serious consequences to the future of the country, if our action here should lead to a change in the Constitution, and that change should turn out to be a mistake. For one, sir, I admit now at the very threshold of my remarks that I am not fully convinced that the public safety requires any alteration in the Constitution relating to the Executive term. But if any step is to be taken in that direction, then, sir, in my judgment the modification proposed in my proposition is the one and only one that should be made.

"In the convention which framed the Constitution there was a marked difference of opinion among the delegates as to what should be the length of the President's term of office,

as also the manner of his election and the powers with which he should be invested.

"It has been said by a distinguished American patriot that there is no nation which has not at some period or other in its history felt an absolute necessity of the services of particular men in particular stations as vital even to the preservation of its political existence. Thus we have Madison entering upon his second term while the War of 1812 was in progress. Jackson had been voted for and elected the second time when, in December, 1832, it became necessary to promptly rebuke and put down nullification. The salutary effect will not soon be forgotten of the proclamation which he issued at that time, containing an exposition of the principles and powers of the General Government, and expressing a determination to maintain the laws.

"General Grant is now serving his second term. It is probably too soon to impartially judge of his first, while, as for the second, it is not yet concluded. Some of us, doubtless in some degree affected by party bias and political prejudice, think his executive services to the country not of extraordinary merit; but whether it would have been better or had secured the prize we can never know. worse for the people if some other aspirant The fair thing probably in this regard would be to give all aspirants who failed to obtain the place the benefit of the doubt.

"I maintain that no argument unfavorable to the second election of the same President can fairly be drawn from the past history of the country taken as a whole.

"Would it be wise to limit the Executive to a single term in the future? I answer that it would not. If confined to one term, he would, in my opinion, be more inclined to overlook and disregard the public good where his own personal interest or ambition was in the way. If eligible to reelection there would be greater disposition and inducement to keep within the lines marked out for him by the Constitution, and make his administration efficient and just, for to do this would be to give himself character with his countrymen, and thus prepare the way for reelection. would be more attentive to learn the will and the wants of the people. He would give less heed to the counsels of bad men and court the advice and good-will of those in whom the people have confidence, and who by their public services and high character give tone to public opinion."

He

Mr. Frye, of Maine, said: "Now, sir, the majority resolution is that no person who has held or may hereafter hold the office of President of the United States shall ever again be eligible to the office.

"Now there seem to me, Mr. Speaker, two or three well-founded objections to the majority resolution. And, first, the term of office is too short. Why, sir, there are no men in the country who understand better than mem

bers of Congress of how great importance experience is in this matter of office for the better performance of its duties. When I came here to the Congress of the United States, for the first two years I found myself a complete, ignoble, unworthy cipher, and in my modesty and humility again and again in the thoughts by day and in the dreams by night I deterinined to resign the position and get out of a place where I was so utterly useless. I suppose that there is not a modest or sensitive man in the House who has not again and again experienced the same feelings. There are a dozen men of experience in this House, having been here terin after term, holding commanding positions and swaying the legislation of the House hither and thither just as they please. Whence comes that power? From preeminent ability? From superior intellect? From excellence in learning? No, sir. From experience in the performance of the duties devolving upon members of Congress. They in everything else have their peers in hundreds of men on this floor who are here to-day for the first term. And, sir, it seems to me that the same rule holds good in the office of President of the United States. If he is fit to be elected to the position he will be a better man the second term than in the first. He will perform his duties more wisely during the second term than the first. I submit therefore to the House that when you limit the presidential term to four years you are forcing upon the country a loss of valuable experience which it might otherwise enjoy, in my opinion, without any prayer from the people, even against their wishes.

"I, sir, do not believe for one that they have ever asked any such proposition as this. I never have seen it in any press representing the people and their voice. I submit if they have desired any change in the term at all it has been in favor of one of six years, not one limited to four, and that no man shall be eligible to a second term.

"Again, sir, there is a serious objection to it. It provides that no person who has held the office of President shall be eligible to a reelection. Then, sir, suppose a Vice-President who by the death of the President has held that position for two hours' time or two days' time, he will be forever ineligible as President of the United States. Sir, it seems to me that proper consideration has not been given to that, for there is no reason why a Vice-President accidentally taking office for a few days or a few weeks shall be made ineligible to the office of President of the United States. In those days or those weeks he cannot by any possibility have gained that control of the patronage of the country which will endanger the liberties of the people or improperly secure his election. He may be the man of all others we desire for that high office, and yet we cannot be gratified.

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never can be adopted by three-fourths of the States of this Union. And why? Suppose the Democratic party-a forced hypothesis, I admit-come into power and elect its President in the next election. It has been out of power for fifteen years. It went out of power when the patronage of the Government was comparatively small; it will come back again into power when the patronage of that Government is immense so immense that to-day it has frightened the people, if they have sought it, into seeking an amendment of the Constitution so that that patronage shall not be used. Now, sir, I submit to my Democratic friends, if they elect the next President of the United States and he has that patronage in his hands, is there a hod-carrier in the remotest town of all our borders who will not be instructed by their party, then in power, to vote at the polls against this amendment to the Constitution? You know this will be so; it is absurd were we to ask the question. Will they not say: 'We are in power; we have the patronage now and can retain power by its use and reelect the President of the United States.' Shall not we, as Republicans, if we prevail, instruct our men to vote against the adoption of that amendment? Certainly we would do it, and under no such circumstances would three-fourths of the States be induced to adopt it, and it would thus become mere child's play.

"The minority of the committee submit a different proposition, one for a six-year term ; and I have given my reasons why I prefer that. It provides, somewhat curiously, perhaps, to those who have not reflected upon the subject, that, if adopted, the amendment shall not take effect until the year 1885. Why 1885? Because when we propose a resolution to the House we propose it seriously, thinking that the people need it and that they may adopt it. Now suppose that we had said that from and after the next election this amendment should go into effect, what would be the result? The very first question, a very serious one, presented would be this: Would it affect the term of office of the next President? If it does, then, being adopted six months or a year after the election of the next President, it would make a six-year President out of one elected for four years.

"Now, suppose that the Democrats should elect their candidate for President at the next election. Is it possible that the Republican voters of the country will vote for the adoption of an amendment to the Constitution which will give that Democratic President two years longer of office than he was entitled to on the day he was elected? Of course not: and every Republican in the country will vote against the adoption of such an amendment as that.

"Suppose, then, you put it off until 1881, as has been proposed. Then you are in this condition: Suppose that next year we elect our candidate for President. The amendment

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