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introducing disunion and separation
under the name of confederacy, and
subjecting the people to a weight
of public taxation, absolutely in
supportable even in the rich and
thriving country where we have
the happiness to live? And yet
this Utopian scheme, which, when
applied to a state of things where-
with we are familiar, is so manifest-
ly wild and chimerical, is precisely
what the central party are seeking
to avert from Chile. To endeavour
to apply to Chile, which is and has
always been one, a constitution de-
signed for a cluster of states, they
justly describe as nothing better
than cutting up Chile into a collec-
tion of Cilicitos.

Mexico and Central America, it
is true, have adopted the federal
system; and a portion of the Co-
lombian s profess to desire it, as
well as some of the provinces of
Buenos Ayres.
But in Mexico,
the proceedings of the last year
show how difficult the find it to
accomodate themselves to a sys-
tem so new and strange to them.
Central America thus far has tend-
ed to prove, that federation must
be the natural union of several
states, not the artificial division of
one, in order to operate advanta-
geously for the public good; be.
cause its constitution, by forcing
upon the country five seperate go-
vernments, and their attendant ex-
penses, has led to nothing but con-
fusion and civil war. Colombia

and Buenos Ayres afford cases more favourable to the introduction of the federal system than any other South American states; the latter, on account of the distance and extent of its provinces; the former, because it is in fact an ag. gregation of territories formerly dis. tinct. The distracted condition of the provinces of La Plata may be ascrib. ed in great part to the Brazilian war; and therefore we omit to allege their case in support of our position. Colombia being composed of the three separate Spanish governments of Caraccas, Santa Fé, and Quito, would easily admit of being subdivided into the same number of states, and of thus receiving the federal form of administration. Yet even there, the better opinion seems to favour the central sysThe cause of independence in Colombia was almost desperate, until Venezuela and New Grenada united preparatory to a consolidated government; and under its in. fluence the prosperity, power, and respectability of the republic had gone on gradually increasing, until the parricidal insurrection of Paez in Venezuela, and the machinations of the adherents of military despotism on the Pacific, interrupt. ed the auspicious march of affairs. So that while the theoretical ar gument among the Chilians is decidedly in favour of continuing the central system there, the central party derive strength and confi.


dence from, or at least are not answered by, the example of the other South American republics.

Upon this question are the parties in Chile divided. The plan of the federal party is to introduce their system gradually, and by piecemeal. They feel convinced, by the proceedings of the provincial assemblies, that an attempt to introduce the federal system in all its parts at once, will surely defeat the whole plan. Hence they desire, by the gradual adoption of separate portions of it, to accustom the people to its operation; thinking they will thus be finally brought to ap. prove it in the whole. The central party, on the other hand, insist upon the inexpediency of the entire system, the unfairness of endeavouring to corrupt and deceive the people into it, by means of government patronage, and government presses; and the necessity of immediately completing a suitable constitution, which may put an end to the embarrassments of the republic.

The government of Chili, therefore, still remains to be organized on a permanent footing. Three attempts have been made to effect this purpose, at three successive periods since the revolution commenced; but all of them have proved unsuccessful. In 1823, the first constituent congress framed a constitution, which was destroyed in a few months after it had been

solemnly sworn to, with great pomp, and extraordinary ceremony. Its imperfect organization and division of the powers of government; its great complexity, which rendered a multiplicity of details necessary; its great obscurity; and other marking defects, conspired to bring it to a speedy and unregretted end. Another constituent congress was installed in 1824, under auspices apparently more favoura ble; but unhappily, it became, ere long, a prey to the spirit of faction, and led to scenes of scandalous anarchy, which produced its dissolution by means not the most regular, but the irregularity of which was overlooked, in consideration of the necessity of the measure. We pass by the congress of 1825, because it was, in fact, nothing but an assembly of the province of Santiago; and was dissolved by the executive, for its attempts to exercise a national authority, to which it was not entitled. Finally came the third constituent congress of 1826, which promised much better things than either of its predecessors, and subsisted for the uncommon period of a year. But the causes which we have explained at some length, defeated the objects of this congress, and led to its dissolution, leaving the country as destitute of any fundamental law as ever. Its last act was the appointment of a national committee of eight persons, author

ized to approve or reject all propositions which the execution might submit, thus discharging the twofold duty of a council of government, and a provisional legislative body; and further authorized and required to draw up the plan of a

constitution, on the basis of such general principles as may be agreed upon by the cabildos and provincial assemblies. And at this point stood the general government of Chili, near the close of the year 1827.*

* The materials of this chapter are obtained from the files of the Telegrafo de Valparaiso, Patriota Chileno, El Verdadero Liberal, La Estrella de Chile, El Cometa, and La Cola del Cometa, La Clave Extraordinaria, and El Independiente, newspapers published in Chili.


Brazil and La Plata.-Folly of the war-False policy of the republicDissensions-Bank of Buenos Ayres-Mines-State of the war-Invasion of Rio Grande-Battle of Ituzaingo-Consequences-Brown's successes-Both parties desire peace-Garcia's treaty-Rejected-And justly-Garcia's defence-Rivadavia resigns-Lopez elected-Government of Buenos Ayres-Dissolution of the republic-Cordova and Buenos Ayres unite-State of the war—Brazilian ministry—Mr. Raguet's departure from Rio-Paraguay.

THE Continuance of the war between BRAZIL and the PROVINCES OF THE RIO DE LA PLATA, renders it convenient to treat of the affairs of these two countries in conjunc. tion, as this war occupies so prominent a place in their history. The dissensions, which have distracted the several portions of the republic, contribute to heighten the picture of calamity, which those fine regions present. The anarchy of the Buenos Ayreans, like the despotism which oppresses the Brazilians, is aggravated by the horrors of an idle and useless contest, which preys upon the resources and prosperity of each, without promising any advantage of adequate importance to either. It was preposterous in Pedro, already possessing an empire of such enor

mous magnitude, to seek to enlarge it by conquest, usurpation, or violating the rights of his neighbours. And it is preposterous for the republic to jeopardize its own existence, in fruitless endeavours to extend itself over all the provinces comprehended in the old viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres.

It seems to be a prevailing error in South America, that, on the one hand, the several component portions of the respective Spanish governments do not fully appreciate the advantages of union to themselves; and that, on the other hand, the ancient capitals of those governments are excessively and unreasonably anxious to effect a consolidation, which is worse than useless, if it be not voluntary. Evidence of this may be found in

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