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those immediately affecting the belligerents were taken into consideration.

The Ministers nominated by the President, were at length appointed; but one of them, Mr. Anderson, died on his way to Panama, and Mr. Poinsett, the residing Minister at Mexico, was appointed in his place. Mr. Sergeant his colleague repaired to Mexico, to be present when the Congress should reassemble at Tacubaya. The Congress did not assemble, however, at the appointed time, and there being no prospect of another session at any specified period, Mr Sergeant returned to the United States. The causes of this unexpected issue of a measure, which promised in its commencement to do so much to meliorate the condition of mankind, by dimiuishing the causes as well as the evils of war, are not yet fully ascertained. There is, however, every reason to believe, that they

are connected with the internal commotions of Colombia and Peru, and the universal apprehension existing in South America of the ambitious designs of Bolivar.

If the Representatives of the United States could have been present during the session at Panama, it is probable that a declaration would have been promulgated expressing the sentiments of the American powers on the disputed principles of national law, which were originally contemplated to form part of the subject-matter of its deliberations.

In their absence, however, it was not deemed adviseable to consider those topics, and an opportunity was thus omitted of mitigating the ancient rigour of the laws of war, and of enforcing the liberal principles maintained by the government of the United States, which may not be again speedily presented.



Organization of the Opposition-Sectional Character-Machinery of Party-Exceptions to First Message of Mr. Adams-Nomination of Gen. Jackson-His Address to Legislature of Tennessee-Principles of Opposition-Materials of Opposition-Charge of Corruption against the Administration-Gen. Jackson's Letter to the Public-Mr. Clay's Answer-Gen. Jackson's Reply-Refutation of Charge-Executive Patronage-Internal Improvement-Manufactures-Commerce-Indian Affairs.

THE opposition to the adminis. tration of Mr. Adams, which had manifested itself, even previous to any developement of his views as to the foreign and domestic policy of the government, now assumed a more consistent shape.— The discussions on the various subjects recommended by the exe. cutive to the consideration of congress in his first message, elicited opinions, and the collisions at the fall elections of 1826, had created in various parts of the country domestic parties, having in view the support or the overthrow of the administration.

In their incipient state, these parties were of a geographical character, with the exception of the states of Pennsylvania, Kentucky, and Louisiana, which, by the

operation of peculiar causes, were detached from the parties, with which they were connected by po. sition.

In the nineteenth congress, it was accordingly found, that on all ques. tions of a party nature, or which might directly or indirectly affect the administration in public opinion, the representatives from the Southern states, together with those from Pennsylvania, took opposite sides to those from the northern and western states. The political characteristics of this party, or the grounds upon which it justified its opposition to the administration, were not at once developed. Reasons were given for not assenting to certain measures, which were recommended by the executive; but unqualified opposition was disclaim

ed, except by those who professed
to believe in the alleged bargain
between the President and the Se-
cretary of State. These did not
hesitate to declare their determina.
tion to put down the administration
at all hazards; but others, and espe-
cially certain of the senators from
states, where the friends of the ad.
ministration were in the majority,
reserved their opinions as to their
ultimate course, declared that they
would judge of it by its measures,
did not rank themselves with its
unqualified opponents, and thus
lulled the suspicions of its friends,
until after their re-election to the
senate. An opposition majority
having been secured in that body,
the opinions and principles of
the party were now promulgated
in their speeches, both in con-
gress and in the primary assem-
blies, with the view of operating
upon the population of those states,
which were removed from the
sphere of sectional prejudices.

The Panama mission afforded an opportunity to commence an attack upon the administration, as having departed from the safe and cautious policy of the United States with regard to foreign nations; and frequent appeals were made to the Father of his country, for the purpose of showing that an accep. tance of the invitation of the South American republics to be present at that congress, was pregnant with all the evils to be dreaded from

entangling alliances with foreign powers.

The American people, however, did not respond to these appeals. They readily distinguished between the ambitious policy of making their country the arbiter of other nations; and the timid policy of ignorant and barbarous countries, which, detaching themselves from the rest of the world, are inattentive to the great movements that are taking place beyond their own borders, and, by heedlessness or negligence, permit more sagacious governments to appropriate the advantages, which are within the reach of all who are awake to their own interests. In the choice of other topics of political discussion, the opposition was more successful.

During the long and peaceful administration of Mr. Monroe, the public mind had been unusually tranquil. The bitterness of party spirit had subsided, and the leaders of the conflicting parties into which the nation had been divided, forgetting their past differences, were often seen harmoniously co-operating to advance the general interests. The citizens, who had in former times been stimulated by an active political zeal, now remembered they were politicians, only when they were called upon to act as electors, and amalgamated almost into one mass the American people, with an unparal

leled unanimity, approved of the policy of the federal government. This satisfaction with the conduct of their rulers, unfortunately manifested itself in too great an indifference towards public concerns, and the electors did not scrupulously examine the conduct of their representatives, nor nicely canvass their pretensions to popular favour, so long as the measures of the government did not come into collision with their private pursuits. In consequence of this indifference, a class of mere politicians appeared in public life, who were indebted for their success to the absence of all powerful excitement, and of those strong motives which call into the service of the nation men of commanding talents.

The machinery and organization of parties, which, in the heat of the political conflict, have the effect of concentrating the suffrages of the electors upon candidates selected when there exists no indifference as to success, now promoted the views of men, who owed their advancement solely to a pliancy of principle and a ready subservience to the will of others.

In this state of things, it was easy to produce a factitious political sentiment in legislative bodies, very different from the deliberate opinion of the community. The yeomanry of the country, and the industrious inhabitants of the towns and cities, reluctantly yield their attention to

intricate political questions, and are slow to form an independent judgment as to conflicting opinions, especially when parties are in an embryo state. It is not, however, so difficult to gain the attention of those who are jealous of power, and who drink with a thirsty ear all reports derogatory to those who administer the government. This jealousy, although praiseworthy in itself, may be carried to excess, and when it loses its power of dis. crimination, it is ready to confound liberal expenditure for what is necessary with extravagance, and to charge the accidents and misadventures to which all human af. fairs are subject, and from which the complicated concerns of go. vernment are not exempt, upon the incapacity or negligence of those who administer it.

With the view of enlisting the prejudices of this class against the administration, charges of extravagance were freely made against those now at the head of the go. vernment; resolutions were introduced into congress, insinuating ra. ther than asserting, that the patronage of the executive was too great; and it was proposed to vest such checks upon it in the legislative branch of the government, as in effect to confer the appointing power upon that department. The ordinary and established expenditures of the government, were examined with new and unexampled


rigour, for the purpose of producing the belief that they originated with the present administration; and an assertion on the part of the President of his constitutional right, to appoint, in the vacation of congress, diplomatic agents to transact the foreign business of the country, was construed into an usurpation of a new and unconstitutional powExceptions were also taken to certain of his recommendations to Congress, as indicating a wish for a magnificent and expensive scheme of government, and a tendency towards consolidation on the part of the federal authorities.These objections, which at first were confined to that class of politicians who contended for a strict and narrow construction of the constitution, were not at once adopted by the friends of the Vice President. They professed to found their opposition on the corrupt origin of the administration, and asserted that it was the clear and manifest will of the people, that Gen. Jackson should be elected President.

This portion of the opposition, for it was obvious that there was no cordial agreement between the two sections of the party, either as to the powers of the government or the mode of administering it, at once declared open hostility against the administration, and proceeded to nominate candidate for the presidency. In conformity with

one of the grounds of opposition, they fixed upon Gen. Jackson, who, in the month of October, 1825, was nominated by the legislature of Tennessee as a candidate in opposition to Mr. Adams. This nomination was formally accepted by him, in an address delivered before both branches of the legislature, in which he resigned his seat in the senate of the United States. After stating that he was originally induced to accept the station he then held, because he understood that he would not be required to serve longer than for the term of


congress, he says, that he would still continue if any important service could be performed, but that he was not aware of any important business likely to be brought before congress, except an amendment of the constitution in relation to the choice of a chief magistrate.

He then alluded to the nomination of himself as a candidate, and proceeded as follows:

"Thus situated,—my name presented to the freemen of the United States for the first office known to the constitution,--I could not, with any thing of approbation on my part, consent either to urge or encourage an alteration, which might wear the appearance of being in. duced by selfish considerations— by a desire to advance my own views. I feel a thorough and safe conviction, that imputation would be ill founded, and that nothing

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