the two houses, relative to the completion of the capitol, but it was finally adjusted, and the bill passed,

making the following appropria. tions for the public buildings:

closures,

Fire apparatus,

Completing penitentiary,

Office of clerk of supreme court, Congress, having made the annual appropriations, adjourned on the third of March, leaving unfinished an unprecedented number of bills, the passage of many of which was imperiously demanded by the public interest. Too much of its time had been consumed in debates of a political character, and the feeling which was universally manifested of disappointment, and chagrin, at the manner in which the attention of the national legislature had been diverted from the business of the country, fixed the stamp of public reprobation upon the 19th congress, and left no regret at its constitutional termination.

Among the extraordinary measures adopted this winter by those who composed the opposition, was one, which, considered in connexion with the principles held by that party, on the powers of the federal government, and the rights of the states, is deserving of a passing notice.

An inland trade had been carried

$83,985 05

500

1,495 35

1,227

15,390

450

on for several years past, between the people of Missouri and the citizens of Mexico, by means of caravans from St. Louis. Some of these traders had been plundered by Indians, in the Mexican territory, and their demands for indemnity, if tenable, fell properly within the cognizance of that department of the government, having the management of our foreign relations. This obvious reflection was either overlooked, or intentionally disregarded, by one of the senators of that state, Mr. Benton. On the 3d of January, in his official capacity, as a representative of a state, Mr. Benton addressed a letter to the Mexican minister at Washington, claiming indemnity for these claims, and opening a correspondence, with the view of obtaining it from the government of Mexico.

The Mexican minister, understanding that the senate was the constitutional body, to ratify or reject all treaties, supposed it to be an official act, and answered the

letter, requesting an explanation of certain statements, made by Mr. Benton. In whatever view this correspondence is considered, it is extraordinary and unprecedented.

The negotiation with foreign powers, is confided, by the constitution, to the executive department of the federal government; and if members of the senate, undertake to represent their respective states in such transactions, a door is at once opened to the inter

ference of foreign powers, in our domestic concerns; and the advantages of representing the sovereignty of the United States, in one government, are relinquished.

The whole transaction was a violation of the confederating principle of the American union, without a precedent, and involved a departure from the spirit and letter of the constitution, never witnessed before, and one, which, it is to be hoped, will never occur again.

CONFORMABLY to the provision of the constitution of MEXICO, the second congress assembled the first day of the year 1827. Apprehensions of open hostility from Spain, no longer exercised any extensive influence over public measures; but still the acts of the national legislature, and the general history of the year, will show that fears, either real or affected, of Spanish partialities and corruption, within the republic, produced the greatest agitation in the public mind. The message presented by president Victoria, at the opening of the chambers, congratulated the members, that the period for the return of their duties, found the country tranquil ; and its prosperity increasing from day to day, as its republican institutions gradually acquired maturity and solidity.

He stated, that a special minister, signor Camacho,had been despatch

ed to London, for the purpose of making certain explanations, which were necessary for the completion of the treaty with Great Britain; and that the treaty with the United States would be submitted to the congress, it being confidently expected that the public relations with two governments of so much importance, would speedily be put upon a stable and permanent footing, by the mutual ratification of these treaties. In fact, at the close of the first session of the legislature in May, president Victoria announced, that the negotiations with England had finished; and the treaty had arrived in Mexico to receive its ratification. He stated further, that an arrangement with France was also anticipated. A commercial agent had presented himself in behalf of the French government; but as he bore a commission only from Admiral Du

perre, commanding on the station of the Antilles, the executive of Mexico had thought fit not to recognise him in his public capacity, until he could exhibit credentials direct from his king, and in due form. A confidential agent was now in Paris, to represent the interests of Mexico; and the Mexican flag was admitted in the French ports on precisely the same terms that the ships of France were in the ports of the republic. These circumstances, it was hoped, would lead to a more frank and liberal intercourse between the two governments, than France had heretofore been willing to allow.

Nothing had occurred to interrupt the friendly relations of Mexico with the other governments of the south. The disorders in Central America; the apprehended change in the constitution of Columbia; the war between Brazil and Buenos Ayres; and the unsettled state of these countries, afford ed serious cause of regret to the government of Mexico. But the president had carefully abstained from the commission of any acts, which could compromise the strict neutrality of the republic, in regard either to the external wars, or the domestic commotions of its common allies. We shall not attempt a minute account of the proceedings of the Mexican legislature; but merely enter into explanations concerning a few subjects of gene.

ral interest. One was, the discussion concerning the state of the church. In consequence of the injudicious letter of the papal court, exhorting the Spanish Americans to return to their allegiance, great opposition existed to making a concordat with the see of Rome. Some of the state legislatures openly opposed it.

Those of Zacatecas and

Durango addressed energetic memorials to the general government, recommending the assumption of the fratronate. Jalisco went so far as to take the collection of the tithes out of the hands of the clergy, and vest it in a junta of four, of whom, but one member was an ecclesiastic. A committee of congress, in reporting upon the instructions given to the envoy to Rome; while they professed a disposition to be governed by the pope in matters of faith, advised the convocation of a general council, to meet every ten years, for the purpose, it is to be presumed, of regulating points of church government, inde. pendent of the pope; and urged, that a certain sum annually should be paid to him, in the shape of a voluntary gift, and not of tribute, as the basis of a concordat.

But the measures in respect to the old Spaniards, reproachfully known by the epithet of Gachupines, are the most curious and important. Notwithstanding the constitution guaranteed to them equal rights with the Creoles; yet the en

mity of the latter towards them, has frightfully increased within the last year; and now renders the situation of every Spaniard in Mexico, critical in the highest degree. Recent events, particularly the plot of Padre Arenas, of which we shall speak hereafter, have served to excite suspicions against Spaniards, it is true; but independent of any specific incident, a rooted hostility exists between the two classes, created by natural causes, and fostered by designing men. Much of this antipathy of the Creoles against the Gachupines, is handed down, undoubtedly, from the time when the latter possessed every post of honour and profit in the country, and the former were treated as a degraded caste. But other causes exist for the present excitement on the subject; among these, it is to be considered, that, as Spanish tamilies hold the great mass of the real property, they are objects of jealousy on that account; and their superior learning, and the more aristocratic condition in life which they have enjoyed, probably aggravate the enmity of the poorer classes. Add to this, what is generally true of them, that their secret partialities, their wishes, and sometimes their influence, are opposed to the republican institutions of the country. Great efforts are made to augment their unpopularity, by all the complicated machinery of a free press. Essays in the newspapers,

handbills couched in the most inflammatory language, satirical placards; in short, all the devices, which the ingenuity of party animosity can invent, are industriously put in requisition, to render the Spaniards a marked and hated

race.

Under the influence of these feelins, co-operating with some just causes of suspicion,' a law passed the federal congress depriving all natives of Spain, employed in the army, custom-house, and post of fice, of the places held, until Spain should recognise the independence of Mexico. It was published in the city of Mexico, on the 14th of May, and received with extravagant demonstrations of joy on the part of the populace. In anticipation of it, all business was suspend. ed throughout the city, and the Spanish merchants, justly alarmed for the safety of their property and lives, awaited the event with trembling anxiety. The proclamation of the law was followed by the discharge of fire-works, and the ringing of the bells throughout the remainder of the day. Nothing but the presence of a strong guard under arms, and bodies of cavalry to patrole the streets, prevented the mob from breaking out into the most violent outrages against the objects of their jealousy and hatred.

This law was followed by others, enacted in several of the states, of